Russia, 1998

Mankind is increasingly feeling the winds

of the twenty-first century. What they bring depends on

all of us, on whether or not we succeed in responding

collectively to new challenges and in establishing a

reliable system of international security and stability once

we have overcome the vices, antagonisms and stereotypes

accumulated during the century about to end.

This is not only possible, it is the imperative of our

times!

A well-known Russian proverb says, “If you would

live in the world, live in peace”. It contains a highly

philosophical message of everlasting value. Mankind will

live in peace and harmony once it has learned to resolve

emerging problems through peaceful, political means.

States will live in peace and harmony once they have

recognized their interrelationship and interdependence and

started to seek collective responses to the challenges of

their times.

Experience confirms the truth of this popular

wisdom. The most recent example is the sharp

aggravation of the world monetary and financial crisis

which has besieged many countries, including Russia,

which is undergoing sweeping economic reforms. The

current upheaval in the world financial markets can be

overcome only by joint efforts that do not pursue

unilateral advantages and are intended to ensure global

economic stability. Interaction of States in this process,

including within the framework of the United Nations,

must, on principle, be raised to a new level.

As for Russia, after overcoming an acute political

crisis, the countryâs President, Boris N. Yeltsin, the

Government and the leading political forces are making

vigorous efforts to stabilize the economic and financial

situation. This is not an easy task, but the solution will be

found.

From this rostrum I pledge that Russia will not

deviate from the path of reform and will do its best to

pass with dignity this most difficult test, so as not only to

preserve the democratic progress that has been made but

also to augment it.

Likewise, Russiaâs foreign policy will remain

consistent and constructive. It is firmly geared towards

building a democratic multipolar world, ensuring

interaction with other States in the interests of settling

international problems by political means and developing

broad, mutually beneficial cooperation in all areas.

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We are convinced that the problems before the world,

no matter how complex they may be, can be solved on the

basis of strict observance of international law and close

interaction among States. Multilateral organizations and

mechanisms have a special role to play in this respect.

Above all, this applies to the United Nations, which

continues to be the sole universal international

peacekeeping organization and is thus better equipped than

any other world body to reach agreements on how to settle

conflicts, as well as to identify and remove the underlying

social and economic causes. It is important for United

Nations efforts to be reinforced by support from regional

organizations.

We highly value the level of interaction that now

exists between the United Nations and the Organization for

Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), acting as a

reliable partner in addressing complex European problems,

as well as interaction with the Organization of African

Unity (OAU) and other regional organizations, including

the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The

international community has developed a unique arsenal of

political and diplomatic tools intended for the resolution of

every international problem. It must be put to effective use.

Coercive actions constitute exceptional methods of last

resort. Their use must be strictly regulated by the rules of

international law and above all by the United Nations

Charter. In other words, we advocate invoking the force of

law rather than the law of force in international affairs.

The fact that the Iraqi crisis which erupted earlier this

year was settled precisely by political means, through the

joint efforts of many States and the initiatives launched by

the United Nations Secretary-General, provided graphic

evidence that the potential inherent in constructive and

active diplomacy is by far more efficient than relying

exclusively on military force.

A new outbreak of tensions around Iraq has made us

deeply concerned, since it is fraught with serious

consequences for regional and international stability. No

doubt Iraq must fully travel its part of the road, resume full

cooperation with the United Nations Special Commission

and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and

implement relevant Security Council resolutions. On the

other hand, the Security Council must adequately assess the

situation related to the elimination of Iraqâs weapons of

mass destruction and answer the question of whether or not

that country still poses a threat to regional and overall

international security after seven years of work carried out

there by United Nations inspectors. Concerted action by the

world community is required today to finally unblock this

crisis situation.

Political logic must prevail over the logic of force in

our search for ways to settle the explosive conflict in

Kosovo. The use of tools of coercion to resolve the

Kosovo conflict might lead to a major war with

unpredictable consequences for the Balkan region and

Europe at large. It is our firm belief that a political

solution is the only possible way of settling the problem

of Kosovo, granting it broad autonomy and ensuring strict

respect for the territorial integrity of the Federal Republic

of Yugoslavia.

The bloodshed in Afghanistan continues in spite of

the fact that, as experience has shown, only temporary

gains can be obtained in that country through the use of

arms. Rather, it is only through a persistent search for

political solutions, with the United Nations playing a

central role, that genuine stabilization, real settlement,

formation of an efficient central Government recognized

by all Afghans and, finally, assurance of Afghanistanâs

territorial integrity and independence can realistically be

accomplished.

Collective political efforts are required to give a

second wind to the Middle East peace process. In our

view, it is not so much the absence of fresh ideas or

proposals but rather the upsetting of the balance that has

stymied progress on all the negotiating tracks. It should

not be ignored that even if the Middle East process has

long-term objectives, it also has its time limits. Russia has

consistently advocated the establishment of an

independent Palestinian State through political means and

negotiations. It is only in this way that the inalienable

rights of the Palestinians to self-determination and reliable

assurance of Israelâs legitimate security interests can be

realized.

In a parallel move, talks must be resumed on the

Syrian and Lebanese tracks, building on the results

already achieved.

The recently proposed settlement of the Lockerbie

case has been a major accomplishment of the international

community. The adoption by the Security Council of a

relevant resolution was possible due to the constructive

approach taken by the parties concerned — the United

States, Great Britain, France and Libya — as well as due

to diplomatic efforts by many international organizations,

which were supported by Russia. It is essential to proceed

without delay to its implementation.

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Arguably, similar perseverance must be shown in the

efforts to break the deadlock in the Cyprus settlement. The

United Nations must play a leading role to this end.

Failure of the international community to fully

extinguish any one of the long-standing local conflicts in

Africa in recent years is a source of growing concern.

Moreover, new flash points of tension have emerged on that

continent. It must be admitted that so far attempts to

achieve full coordination between the United Nations and

Africaâs regional organizations have not succeeded. That is

why the upcoming Security Council ministerial meeting on

Africa should focus on shaping a strong common stance

capable of radically reversing the negative dynamics of

Africaâs latest developments.

For objective reasons, Russia has paid special attention

to settlement of conflict situations in the CIS. Whether in

Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Tajikistan or

Trans-Dniestria, our country has but one objective —

namely, promoting a political settlement and helping build

lasting peace. As requested by the sides concerned, Russia

has undertaken a difficult peace-building mission and is

doing all it can to bring it to fruition. But the effort can

prove unavailing unless the parties in conflict show

goodwill and a constructive attitude and also receive more

meaningful international backing, above all from the United

Nations and the OSCE.

While making strong efforts to settle regional crises,

we should not lose sight of global problems, some of which

have acquired a new dimension in the last year.

We cannot but feel concerned over the emergence of

a real threat in the form of the proliferation of nuclear

weapons throughout the planet. It is a common task of the

international community to encourage all countries to

accede both to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons and to the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-

Ban Treaty. We welcome Brazilâs accession to the Non-

Proliferation Treaty.

Russia is committed to the idea of continued reduction

of nuclear weapon arsenals and the maintenance of strategic

stability at lower armament levels. In this context, we

attach particularly great importance to the Russian-

American interaction in the area of reducing strategic

offensive arms. In the course of his appointment hearings,

Mr. Yevgeny M. Primakov, Chairman of the Russian

Government, expressed his firm resolve a few days ago to

seek early ratification by the State Duma of the START II

Treaty. Likewise, it is important for the United States to

ratify all documents related to START II.

Accession of the other nuclear Powers to the nuclear

arms control process is now on the agenda. We urge

careful consideration of a proposal made by President

Boris Yeltsin that calls on the nuclear Powers to deploy

nuclear weapons exclusively within the boundaries of

their national territories. We note with satisfaction the

recent consensus decision in the Conference on

Disarmament to start negotiations banning production of

nuclear-weapon-grade fissionable materials. What is of

special significance is that the decision was supported by

States that are not yet parties to the Treaty on the Non-

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, among others. We are

convinced that such a ban would be a further necessary

step in multilateral efforts to enhance the non-proliferation

regime and nuclear disarmament.

The nuclear threat has many faces. Today, nuclear

terrorism can also be a source of that threat. What seemed

to be science fiction yesterday can now, much to our

regret, become a reality. Hence, strong action by the

international community is required to prevent the real-

life emergence of that new form of terrorism.

Accelerating work on a draft convention to combat acts

of nuclear terrorism, submitted by our country so that it

can be adopted by the General Assembly at the current

session, has become particularly relevant.

Russia has repeatedly stated at the highest level its

firm opposition to terrorism in all its forms and

manifestations. International terrorism is one of the most

dangerous global challenges to international stability. It

can be successfully combated only through united action

by all States. Indeed, only by acting together instead of

making unilateral power moves, shall we be able to

succeed in our fight against that most dangerous of evils.

Militant separatism has become another factor that

destabilizes international relations. Relying exclusively on

extremist methods in the struggle for the national rights

of minority groups within multinational States, separatism

often finds itself in league with terrorism and religious

fanaticism. Separatism inevitably provokes internal

conflicts in which neighbouring countries frequently get

involved, thereby setting the stage for stoking regional

crises.

More than two and a half thousand national

minorities live in 150 countries of the world. Were all of

them to aspire to a State entity of their own, the

disastrous and catastrophic consequences could easily be

imagined. Those who foment separatism should keep that

in mind.

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The fight against drugs also requires joint, concerted

action. We must focus on the practical implementation of

the relevant decisions aimed at combating the drug threat

adopted by the General Assembly at its special session.

The international community should take a common

stand in implementing the provisions of the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights, whose fiftieth anniversary

occurs this year. In this area, too, resolute joint action is

needed in respect of those States which, under various

pretexts, violate generally recognized human rights and

freedoms. There can be no tolerance of double standards

involving attempts to shield those who elevate to the level

of Government policy discrimination against a part of the

population. Russia cannot and will not remain indifferent to

the fate of hundreds of thousands of Russian-speaking

citizens subjected to harsh repressive measures in Latvia

and Estonia. The international community, and above all the

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,

should closely watch the situation in those countries.

I have touched upon a few of the important issues

which the United Nations is called upon to deal with at this

time. It continues to play its unique role as facilitator of

joint efforts by States to strengthen peace and security, deal

with urgent issues and meet new global challenges. To that

end, it is necessary to improve United Nations mechanisms

and adapt them to todayâs needs. That is exactly what the

process of reforming the United Nations, launched by

Secretary-General Kofi Annan, seeks to accomplish. The

rationale behind it is enhanced efficiency for the

Organization.

That is the angle from which we approach the ongoing

discussion on the work of the Security Council. No one

should question the Security Councilâs primary

responsibility under the Charter for the maintenance of

peace and security. It is extremely important to preserve its

effectiveness and its efficiency in decision-making, as well

as to build on internal cohesion and work coordination

methods developed in recent years.

I should like to reaffirm that we support the

implementation of reforms and changes in United Nations

mechanisms that will promote effective consolidation of the

United Nations and improve its activities. Among the steps

taken to that end I wish to mention adoption, under United

Nations auspices, of the Statute of the International

Criminal Court. Russiaâs initiative to launch a discussion on

ways to achieve international information security serves

the same goal. In essence, our proposal is intended to offset

threats inherent in the use of the latest advances in science

and technology for purposes incompatible with the

maintenance of international security.

I wish to single out a dangerous tendency: that of

adapting the United Nations to meet the requirements of

an individual State, or of replacing it altogether as, for

example, in the case of peacekeeping. What I have in

mind are attempts to undercut the powers of the Security

Council, as laid down in the Charter, to use coercive

measures. We must not allow a precedent to be created

involving the use of military potential in a crisis situation

without the consent of the Security Council. Surely it is

obvious that such actions could lead to a serious erosion

of the existing system of international relations, whose

central element is the United Nations.

United Nations sanctions as an instrument of

international coercion also require a highly balanced

approach. When introduced by the Security Council,

sanctions should not become a tool to fight a regime that

may be disliked. Sanctions should not make people suffer.

They should not destabilize the economic situation in the

country subjected to sanctions or in the adjacent region.

It is time to fine-tune the mechanism regulating the

imposition of sanctions and their duration and the

procedures for easing and lifting them.

In short, individual elements of the United Nations

mechanism need improvement and retooling. But we

should go about it with a full sense of responsibility,

mindful of the medical professionâs rule that unnecessary

harm is to be avoided at all costs.

Every session of the General Assembly is, in a way,

a milestone event. Each session is expected to make a

tangible contribution to the resolution of acute problems

confronting mankind. It will depend on all of us whether

or not the fifty-third session of the General Assembly

lives up to the expectations and hopes we place in it. It

will depend on all of us whether or not joint effective

steps are taken to lead us to a more stable, peaceful

world, a world free from war and conflict and from

financial and economic upheaval, a world built on the

principles of democracy and multi-polarity. Russia stands

ready to work with others to attain these goals.