Madagascar, 1969

49. The year 1969 will undoubtedly be considered

by future historians as a turning point in history. As

was so well put this morning [1773rd meeting] in the

remarkable statement by Mr. Luns, the Minister for Foreign

Affairs of the Netherlands, the fact that men, overcoming

the earth’s gravity, have succeeded in setting foot on the

moon, in surviving there in spite of a particularly hostile

environment, and above all in returning to earth cannot fail

to have unimaginable consequences. This exploit means the

end of the closed world; it opens up unlimited horizons to

mankind. It marks the beginning of a new era. This is

undoubtedly so because, by creating new objectives, it gives

a new meaning to human endeavour, while at the same time

it is not unreasonable to hope that it may lead to the

discovery of unknown resources capable of being mobilized

for the service of mankind.

50. But what I wish to emphasize above all today is that

this achievement is to be credited entirely to human

intelligence. Reason succeeded in discovering the laws

which govern matter. Mathematics and physics measured it.

An advanced technology forged the instruments conceived

by imagination and by mathematical calculation. Organizational

skill, together with the power of computers, made it

possible to master and control a vast quantity of diverse

data. Since man has also succeeded in taming nuclear

energy and has, like Prometheus of antiquity, stolen fire

from the skies, it is neither outrageous nor blasphemous to

say that he has triumphed over nature and that nothing can

henceforth resist the boldness of his ventures. I therefore

salute this exploit. I pay tribute to the astronauts, to the

scientists, to the technicians, to the statesmen and to the

countries that have been its architects and promoters. Their

names deserve to be inscribed in the golden book of

humanity. In this regard, I should like this Assembly also to

pay them the tribute they deserve, because it seems to me

important that this grand design, the conquest of space,

should be seen to belong to all nations and to all human

beings endowed with reason and feeling.

51. The fact that you, Madam President, a daughter of

Africa, should have been elected to preside over the

twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly at such a

decisive moment in the history of mankind makes us, as

Africans, all the more moved and adds still greater warmth

to our congratulations. The delegation of Madagascar fully

appreciates the magnitude and scope of your task and the

significance of such a choice by this Assembly. Your

experience of international life and your great talents will

undoubtedly help to bring about in this forum the

atmosphere of serenity with which we should like all our

work to be imbued. We are also glad to welcome you as the

worthy representative of a sister country, Liberia, with

which Madagascar maintains the friendliest of relations. The

delegation of Madagascar believes that, under your guidance,

the problems of the developing countries will be

considered with particular attention.

52. Your lamented predecessor as President, Mr. Arenales,

whose loss we keenly feel, took a very special interest in

those problems. We should like to pay him a deeply felt

tribute and to say that we shall always remember with

gratitude his impartial approach, his outstanding ability and

the skill with which he guided our debates.

53. It is a pleasant duty for me also to express the

satisfaction of my Government at the efforts exerted by

our Secretary-General, U Thant, to solve the complex

problems he has had to face.

54. However, the thunder of rockets surging from the

earth and the splendour of artificial suns cannot make me

forget that I am a man and, furthermore, a black man. I

can, of course, become enthusiastic about the moon,

Venus, Mars and Saturn, but I cannot decently refrain from

thinking of the towns and the villages in my country and

elsewhere on our planet where poverty, ignorance and

violence still weigh heavily on lives which are rich only in

their brevity and in the resignation with which they are

borne. It will not be one of the least of the paradoxes of

our time that man, before embarking on the conquest of

space, did not think to secure his rearguard by first creating

order in his affairs on earth. We may well wonder whether

this leap forward is not really an escape from what lies behind.

55. Last year about this same time. and from this same

rostrum [1703rd meeting], I, like all the other leaders of

delegations, analysed the world situation and tried to

suggest some solutions for the more troublesome and

serious problems that mankind has to face. On rereading

my speech, I realized that I could almost repeat it word for

word, so true is it that our problems have not fundamentally

changed and that the behaviour of nations has

remained the same.

56. In Viet-Nam, unfortunately, the war continues to rage,

while negotiations in Paris are apparently making no

headway and are still being held up by an insistence on

prior conditions which continually delays the establishment

of the just peace that is so much desired.

57. In the Middle East a war of attrition has followed the

truce and tomorrow, if we are not careful, all-out war will

again set the region ablaze, with all the risks that that

entails for world peace.

58. In Nigeria no progress has been made in the quest for a

cessation of the fighting. Worse still, there has been a failure

of the efforts undertaken by the world’s highest spiritual

authority and an inability on the part of men of goodwill to

save from death thousands upon thousands of starving

people. In the middle of the twentieth century, the terrors

of the Middle Ages are engulfing old people, women and

innocent children. The scandal is that the great capitals of

the world are not profoundly shocked, and that the very

decision-making centres seem to be struck with an intolerable

paralysis.

59. Even in Central America, for reasons which are not

clear to distant observers such as ourselves, two States

belonging to the same economic organization have found it

necessary to cross swords.

60. Furthermore, throughout the world, human freedom

and the right of peoples to self-determination continue to

be shamelessly flouted. Totalitarian communism, even

though divided and ready to embark on mutual self-destruction

on the borders of Asia, has in no way relaxed its hold

over nations which aspire to unity and the establishment of

a true democracy. The “Prague spring” will soon be no

more than the memory of a beautiful rose-bud, withered

before it could open out in the sunshine.

61. Racism still continues to flourish in South Africa

where, under cover of ideology, ten million black men are

confined to subordinate tasks and — let us say it openly — are

exploited by a few million white people. A similar situation

is now developing in Rhodesia, without any genuine

reaction being registered in the rest of the world.

62. For its part, Portugal maintains with impunity the

fiction of its African provinces, while preventing the

peoples of those provinces from expressing their opinion

freely.

63. Finally, as though to crown the edifice and despite all

the international conferences and the many meetings of the

committees, sub-committees and other organs of UNCTAD,

no concrete measures have yet been taken towards making

the necessary changes in the iniquitous economic laws

which now govern the world. Yet without such changes the

developing nations — and all the experts are convinced of

this — cannot get their economies moving. Their populations

are on the verge of destitution, and their political independence

amounts in fact to little more than a game of see-saw

between the various suppliers of aid, the conditions of

which, furthermore, are tending to become more burden-

some from day to day.

64. All this is senseless. It is in flagrant contradiction with

the innumerable declarations of responsible politicians,

declarations made from this very rostrum. Never have we

observed such a divorce between word and deed. Never has

so much selfishness been masked by a rhetoric that is as

profuse as it is hypocritical.

65. In my endeavour to be objective, I have given much

thought to the question of what can be placed to the credit

of our Organization and of the various international bodies

in the course of the year which has just elapsed. It may be

that I am not well informed. But as regards my own

country at any rate, I must confess that the results are

tragically scanty.

66. In the economic field, I can mention only the

International Sugar Agreement 1968 — an Agreement in

which, however, two of the largest producers and consumers,

the European Economic Community and the

United States, are not participants — and the renewal of the

Yaoundé Convention?

67. Last year I believed it to be my duty to mention

certain reactions provoked by the association of the

eighteen African and Malagasy States with the European

Economic Community and the accusation that we were

setting up an obstacle to the liberalization and stabilization

of world trade. At that time I defined the position of the

Government of the Republic of Madagascar and pointed

out that my country was prepared to accept its. share of

sacrifice so that measures could be taken to alter the

economic laws which I condemned just now. I wish to say

that we still have the same attitude, but I should at once

like to add that the Republic of Madagascar has now,

without any feelings of guilt whatsoever, affixed its

signature to the new Convention of Association. It believes

that this Convention is an indispensable instrument for the

development of its economy and that it also constitutes, at

the multilateral level, one of the rare examples of international

co-operation that has produced the effects that were anticipated.

68. The results obtained through the United Nations do

not come up to expectations. This is undoubtedly because

the principles enshrined in our Charter have, unfortunately,

not been respected, and we have forgotten the solemn

obligation that we inherited from those who died in the last

world war to bring a little more justice, a little more

stability, to human relations. In this respect, I cannot but

regret that our Organization plays but a limited — a too

limited — role, to my mind, in the search for solutions to our

current problems. I shall explain my reasons for taking this view.

69. Despite the indefatigable activity, the authority and, I

should like to emphasize, the moral force of our Secretary-General,

it is difficult to avoid the impression that the

various organs of our institution, the General Assembly and

the Security Council in particular, are not really concerned

with the important issues. Indifference? I do not think so.

A confession of powerlessness? I cannot resign myself to

this. Be that as it may, this is a matter for serious concern,

and it is the most ardent wish of the Government of the

Republic of Madagascar that the authority and prestige of

this Organization should be reinforced to enable it to

achieve the objectives assigned to it by its founders. I

appeal more particularly to small nations such as mine. It is

essential, indeed vital, that they should not allow this

Organization to decline, since it represents their only

opportunity to be heard, and is for all nations the only

means of elaborating and promoting international law.

70. I am well aware that my speech has taken a somewhat

disenchanted and pessimistic turn. But at a time when

mankind is preparing to undergo a major transformation, I

cannot prevent myself from thinking of that other transformation

that occurred at the end of the sixteenth century.

71. The great scientific discoveries made possible the

exploration, the exploitation and the transformation of the

world. These developments could have been to the benefit

of all men and of all nations, but in fact they resulted in the

domination and subjection of coloured men, of which

slavery and colonialism were the most obvious and regrettable

manifestations. I am not recalling this, I wish to

reassure the Assembly, in order to embark on some great

historical trial, which would be quite out of place in this

forum and, furthermore, quite futile, because we cannot

remake history and the future should be our sole concern. I

am recalling it simply as a way of expressing my anxiety

concerning the present situation. The ever-widening gap

between rich and poor and the accumulation of technical

advances in certain industrialized nations lead me to fear

the eternal problem of dominator and dominated is not

only far from a solution, but will, on the contrary, rapidly

become more acute and assume a more subtle form.

72. Of course, it is quite likely, and indeed probable, that

the less-privileged will see an improvement in their material

condition and that they will attain a certain degree of

industrialization. But it seems to me that this is not the

objective that should be sought. What is needed is to

establish as quickly as possible equality among men in every

field, particularly in those of welfare, security and education.

Otherwise, serious tension must inevitably arise

between the over- and the under-developed countries, and

such tension will, in turn, generate conflicts among the

industrialized Powers.

73. Because of the vastness of the means of destruction

that can be set in motion, I do not think there is any need

to dwell at length on the risks that such a situation could

entail for mankind. Man may, perhaps, have conquered

space, but in the event of such destruction he will surely

lose the earth, that is to say, his very existence.

74. Thus, on the one hand, there are the means to bring

practically within man’s reach all the objectives that

imagination can suggest to him, while on the other hand,

there is a basically selfish and irrational behaviour in human

relationships.

75. Yet it seems to me that this contradiction can be

abolished. On the one hand, forecasts of future developments

should finally convince responsible leaders in the

industrial States of what reason alone has already told

them, namely that the interests of all lie in the necessary

harmonization of the interests of each. On the other

hand — and I hope I will be forgiven for making such a

fundamentally optimistic assertion — we have reached a

point where it should be possible to overcome selfishness

through abundance.

76. But although it is true that in civilizations that are not

very far advanced the happiness of some can be assured

only by the exploitation of the majority, it is obvious that

the progress of science, of technology and of management — since

“management” is the fashionable word — now

puts happiness within the reach of all. The gulf separating

rich and poor could be rapidly bridged. It would be

sufficient, in our view, to devote to that great design a very

small part of the sums allocated to the production of

armaments and the conquest of space.

77. At times I catch myself dreaming of the work that

4 could be undertaken in Madagascar if only my country had

at its disposal an initial allocation of, say, some $500

million. How many roads could be built, how many regions

could be opened up, how many agricultural improvements

could be carried out, what resources could be set free! The

process of development would be resolutely begun; the

foundations for a sound and competitive economy could at

last be said, if only our efforts were accompanied by a

re-establishment of order in international trade.

78. In order to make this possible, could not the great

industrial Powers stop striving to maintain their lead with

the bomb and with conventional armaments, especially

since existing stockpiles are already sufficient to wipe out

every trace of life from the surface of our planet? Could

not the two super-Powers put a curb on their concealed,

but real competition in the conquest of space? That

competition compels them to effect huge expenditures at

an ever-increasing rate. Those expenditures, if spread out

over a longer period, would in no way jeopardize future

progress, but could be used immediately to help the cause

of the disinherited. Is this simply the vision of a poet? I am

sure it is.

79. Doubtless some will object, quoting the old proverb

that “God helps those who help themselves”, that the

developed countries cannot help the under-developed countries

unless the latter, for their part, resolve to mobilize

their own resources and manage their own affairs to better

purpose. I am perfectly aware of the validity of that

objection, for it is true that we, the poor, are still far from

having overcome certain sociological problems, that we

sometimes — at a time when others have already reached the

moon — exhaust our energies in quarrels of a by-gone age,

and that our administration, unfortunately, is often lacking

in strictness. I acknowledge this in all humility.

80. But if this is so, it is because, in the present situation,

our peoples have defensive reactions which cause them to

fall back on routine and respect for outdated traditions,

since they are convinced of the futility and uselessness of

their efforts. I, for my part, am convinced that if, through

the combined efforts of the rest of the world, it were

possible to establish tomorrow the objective conditions for

progress, it would not be difficult to arouse the enthusiasm

of our peoples and to secure their co-operation: all the

disinherited of the earth could be mobilized in the cause of

progress.

81. I have a suspicion that I may have somewhat surprised

and even disappointed this Assembly by taking what is

perhaps too lofty a stand and by making a speech that some

will probably not hesitate to describe as vague and

philosophical.

82. I should like first of all to point out in this regard that,

having come to this turning-point in history, it is essential

that mankind should pause for reflexion. It is essential, too,

that two thirds of mankind should not approach the future

in a state of servitude. And lastly, it is essential that man's

noble ambitions should not be destroyed by an ever-threatening

nuclear conflict.

83. Next, I would like to say that the policy pursued by

my country seems to me appropriate to the needs of the

day. This policy has been defined by the head of State,

President Philibert Tsiranna; it is well known, because it has

remained practically unchanged since the restoration of

national sovereignty. It can be summed up in a few phrases

which explain the position adopted by the Malagasy

Republic at major international meetings: self-determination

of peoples, respect for human freedom, love of

peace, arbitration, negotiation, loyalty to alliances, the

struggle against under-development and international co-operation.

84. Perhaps because it is fortunate in being an island and

because it has no enemies at its frontiers, Madagascar has

never yet departed from these principles. I can affirm

without hesitation that it will always be ready to co-operate

in any undertaking which may contribute to the betterment

of man’s lot.

85, At a more practical and immediate level, I should now

like briefly to recall the position of the Government of the

Malagasy Republic on some particular problems which are

to be considered during the present session or which are a

serious source of concern to us at the present time.

86. Madagascar believes that the United Nations has a vital

role to play in lessening the tension and divisions which

trouble the world. I will cite only a few examples: differing

beliefs or political ideologies, the gap which we have

emphasized between the developed and the developing

countries, the stresses born of racial discrimination and

apartheid — final manifestations of colonialism and of man's

exploitation by man — and religious conflicts.

87. My country affirms its adherence to the principles

drawn up in exceptional circumstances which have now

become historic, but at the same time it is looking

resolutely to the future and to an ever-widening framework

embodying the new concept of relations between nations

and peoples, a concept corresponding to existing needs and

to the very nature of man, free from narrow nationalism,

ideological extremism and power politics.

88. My delegation is ready to offer its complete co-operation

to achieve those ideals and objectives and enable the

United Nations to become an effective instrument for the

establishment of conditions favourable to peace, the prevention

of war and the promotion of the economic and

social well being of mankind.

89. Where disarmament is concerned, Madagascar is firmly

in favour of general disarmament, for a mere reduction in

armaments would be no solution. To this end, we must

completely exclude the risk of total destruction, the rapid

expansion of facilities for arms production. We must also

ensure that each measure of disarmament is accompanied

by a measure of effective control, application of the two

measures being absolutely simultaneous.

90. We would also mention the need for priority measures

concerning nuclear weapon carriers. Most representatives

seem to share the Malagasy delegation’s belief that the ideal

solution would be a treaty prohibiting the use or the

threatened use of nuclear weapons. Madagascar is in favour

of extending the ban on nuclear tests.

91. In our opinion, the development of defensive and

offensive armament systems inevitably leads to a massive

increase in military expenditure and the perfecting of

nuclear weapons. Thus, for example, in 1962 military

expenditure amounted to some $120,000 million, and in

1968, if the figures are accurate, such expenditure was

estimated at over $180,000 million.

92. We would like to see bilateral negotiations opened on

the limitation of strategic arms and systems of defence

against ballistic missiles. The present world would be wise

to eliminate the dangers of a nuclear arms race. We

recognize the complexity of the problem but we believe

that the necessary efforts must be continued and every

avenue explored with a view to reaching general agreement.

It is, however, encouraging that an agreement of principle

has been reached on the non-use of the sea-bed for military

purposes. It is also reassuring to note that certain Powers

take the view that it is the duty of every State to pursue

negotiations for general and complete disarmament.

93. Regarding Viet-Nam, the Malagasy Government welcomes

the recent declarations by the parties concerned that

they are ready to end the war. As I have had occasion to

say from this rostrum, the solution to the problem lies, in

our view, in a generally acceptable settlement which would

leave the people of Viet-Nam free to choose their own

destiny in accordance with their sovereign right.

94. I now turn to the problem of decolonization. It is

time, indeed high time, that resolution 1514 (XV) with its

historic declaration was universally accepted, regardless of

differences of ideology and method. The right of peoples to

self-determination must be exercised without question. This

is a matter of vital importance to the third world. Our

position is inspired not solely by sentiment, but also by

political, legal, even philosophical consideration. The

United Nations has a fundamental role to play; this is

evident when we consider, first, that the oppressed peoples

are seeking to cast off the yoke of colonization at the price

of long, bitter and exhausting struggles to achieve their

independence, and secondly, that if all the General

Assembly and Security Council resolutions on colonial

questions had been accepted without reservation and

applied without qualification, the last vestiges of colonialism

would already have been liquidated without unnecessary upheaval.

95. Our position on apartheid is clear: in our eyes, it is

another form of man’s exploitation by man. We therefore

condemn it relentlessly, resolutely and categorically; we

cannot acquiesce in the survival of this preposterous notion,

still less in its extension to other parts of Africa, as we fear

may happen.

96. With regard to the Middle East problem, Madagascar

still favours the continuance of Mr. Jarring’s mission and

appreciates his tact, patience, balance and wisdom. We also

consider that the great Powers which, whether they like it

or not, have a special responsibility under the Charter,

should support this mission in the search for a just and

lasting solution leading to negotiations between the parties.

97. This brings me to the end of my statement. May I, in

conclusion, express my hope that the coming year will see

the realization of our aspirations and will give our Organization

the renewed authority and prestige which the Charter

enjoins and the future of the human race demands.

98. If this should not be so, we should all of us bear a

heavy burden of guilt towards future generations and

history would be entitled to call us to account. Personally, I

refuse to believe that so large a gathering of men, endowed

with so much intelligence, knowledge, experience and

sensibility, will not be equal to the mission of trust with

which the peoples have charged them and will not in due

course succeed in finding the shining paths of peace, justice,

equality and brotherhood.