Luxembourg, 1982

Before discussing the international situation,

which this year again can only be described as

critical dangerous and explosive, I must

associate myself with my colleagues in expressing

our sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your

election to the presidency of this session. Your

reputation as a seasoned diplomat, your long

experience acquired in the course of a brilliant

career and your deep knowledge of the workings of

the Organization will enable you, I am certain,

to conduct the proceedings of the General

Assembly with all the skill required in these

difficult times.

2. I should like to take this opportunity

also to express very sincere thanks to some other

outstanding persons, and first to Mr. Kittani,

President of the thirty-sixth session, for the

masterful and tenacious manner in which he

assumed his heavy responsibilities.

3. Our thanks go also to Mr. Waldheim, who

for 10 years as Secretary-General saw to the

proper functioning of the Organization. His

tireless dedication and the matchless skill with

which he carried out his duties deserve our

appreciation.

4. Finally, let me turn to the new

Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who

since he assumed his functions has brilliantly

succeeded in convincing us all of his exceptional

qualities and his tireless dedication to the

service of the Organization. I wish to reiterate

to him our assurance of full and constructive

cooperation on the part of the Government and

people of Luxembourg.

5. The sessions of the General Assembly

offer us an opportunity each year to take stock

of the world situation. The Danish

representative, speaking yesterday at the 8th

meeting on behalf of the 10 member States of the

European Community, presented the views of the

Community on the world situation. It goes without

saying that we fully subscribe to his statements,

so that I may confine myself to emphasizing

certain problems which are of particular concern

to us.

6. In our view, the world situation has

steadily worsened since last year. The

fundamental equilibriums which have dominated our

globe since the Second World War are breaking

down; the worst economic crisis since the war

continues to beset us without respite; there are

more and more centres of conflict. Thus East-West

relations, which are essential in determining the

political situation of the moment, continue to

deteriorate. Events in Poland, especially since

last December, have added dangerously to this

tension, so that the process of detente between

East and West, which was so promising, not so

long ago, has suffered serious setbacks.

7. In our view, detente can only be one and

indivisible. Our position in this regard is clear

and in conformity with the principles of the

Charter of the United Nations and the Final Act

of Helsinki. These two documents guarantee inter

alia the right of each people to choose and

freely develop its own political, social,

economic and cultural system, as well as to

determine its own laws and regulations. Logically

the Helsinki document refers to the necessity for

each State to abstain from any intervention,

direct or indirect, in the internal or external

affairs falling within the national competence of

another State, whatever their mutual relations

may be.

I need not stress here that all the countries of

Eastern Europe have solemnly subscribed to the 10

principles of the Final Act. The events in Poland

are in flagrant contradiction of those

principles. The same is true of the Soviet

Union's invasion of Afghanistan. Such flagrant

violations have in no way served the process of

strengthening mutual confidence. Thus it is not

surprising that East-West relations have been

seriously affected.

9. A return to dialogue among all the

component parts of Polish society and respect for

the rights of self- determination of the peoples

concerned are essential for the restoration of a

climate of true and lasting detente.

10. For our part, we remain firmly attached

to the concept of such a true detente and an

improving climate of confidence between East and

West. We hope that, in the framework of the

Conference on Security and Co operation in

Europe, it will prove possible to achieve an

agreement on a balanced text guaranteeing real

progress in all spheres, when the Madrid review

session resumes its work in November.

11. In view of the slowness of the process of

disarmament, the convening of a conference on

disarmament in Europe, in conditions enabling

tangible results to be achieved, seems to us to

be more indispensable than ever. The

concentration of weapon systems on the old

continent, which is by far the highest in the

world, has reached unacceptable proportions.

12 In view of the disappointing results of the

second special session devoted to disarmament, we

think that a regional approach, with a smaller

number of participants, to the problems of the

reduction of armaments might be more realistic,

and offer better chances of achieving tangible

results. This does not mean that we oppose the

carrying out of the world-wide efforts. On the

contrary, the United Nations ought indeed to be

able to play a more important role in this

process than it has been able to do so far.

Unfortunately, the second special session devoted

to disarmament, in which so much hope had been

placed by millions of citizens of good faith

throughout the world, did not give any grounds

for justified optimism in this regard.

12. That special session of the Assembly,

however, did have the merit of producing a

considerable impact on public opinion and

beginning a process of creating awareness, the

effects of which may be felt only in the medium

or long term. We hope that the new phenomenon of

the pacifist movement—which should be allowed to

express itself freely, even though efforts are

made to prevent it—will succeed in bringing moral

pressure to bear throughout the world to advance

the cause of disarmament, so vital for the future

of humanity.

13. The nuclear nations have a special role

in the disarmament process. I take this

opportunity to say how much importance we attach

to ensuring that negotiations between the United

States and the Soviet Union on nuclear weapons of

medium range lead rapidly to tangible results. We

Europeans are indeed the first to be concerned

about this type of weaponry and for us the

success of those negotiations is of primordial

importance.

14. We hope also that the negotiations begun

this year between the United States and the

Soviet Union on strategic arms reduction lead to

results within a reasonable length of time and we

are confident that the proposals of the West

submitted within the framework of the Vienna

Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments

and Associated Measures in Central Europe will

make it possible to bring about a progressive

reduction of military forces.

15. If disarmament is a key problem in

East-West relations, it is equally true of

North-South relations. In this context the

problem is mainly one of conventional armaments

and the disproportionate financial burden of

armaments on the heavily burdened budgets of most

developing countries.

16. However, the predominant issue in

North-South relations is clearly the economic

problem. The longest and most severe economic

crisis since the last war has had a particularly

damaging effect on the developing countries,

primarily the least advanced. That crisis, in my

view, is the main reason why it has not been

possible so far, despite long and laborious

negotiations, to start global negotiations aimed

at establishing a new international economic

order.

17. Luxembourg has always been, and remains,

favourable to the launching of global

negotiations. Considering the time spent on

negotiating merely the procedure and the agenda,

without its leading to an acceptable result for

all, this session may well be our last chance. If

we do not succeed in getting the process under

way now, this ambitious and grand undertaking may

remain a dead letter. Have we been too ambitious

in our objectives in wishing to attack all the

problems at a stroke? Is an undertaking of such

dimensions viable in these times of crisis? Are

there other alternatives which are less ambitious

but morerealistic and have better chances of

success? These are questions that must be

answered at this session.

18. In this regard I should like to observe

that if our hopes should be dashed and if global

negotiations do not get under way—which we hope

will not be the case—we ought not be too rigidly

wedded to primarily theoretical concept but try

to attack the problems from a less ambitious but

more concrete point of view.

19. What is important is that we should

succeed in continuing the dialogue and that we

persist in seeking a solution, whether it be

global or consists of several partial phases. We

should not lose sight of the fact that it is the

principle of interdependence that is the

governing factor, interdependence in an

increasingly complex world.

20. Unfortunately, the economic difficulties

of today lead to nationalistic reactions and

self-protection. The spectre of protectionism is

once again looming on the horizon. Have we so

soon forgotten that the principal cause of the

unparalleled economic boom following the Second

World War was the determined support of the

principles of free trade of goods and services?

21. Experience has taught us that

protectionism inevitably leads to a limitation of

growth, indeed a reduction in the volume of world

trade, and to particularly damaging repercussions

on the small and weak. That does not exclude the

fact that countries whose economies are close to

autarchy, which of course are less seriously

affected, do not escape the consequences of a

world economy in recession.

22. My country, which in view of its size is

particularly aware of its dependence and of

interdependence in general, has always been

especially attached to the concept of free trade

in goods and services. I therefore take this

opportunity to emphasize that one must not give

in to protectionist temptations which may in the

short run be alluring but lead, through an

escalation of counter-productive results,

inescapably to a negative balance-sheet for all

trading partners.

23. I wish also to say a word on hunger in

the world. This question, which is the most

urgent of all, should have absolute priority. It

is indeed absolutely unacceptable that in certain

parts of the world malnutrition should be the

rule when food surpluses are being improperly

used elsewhere and indeed destroyed in order to

maintain a level of prices acceptable to the

producers. The right to decent nutrition is one

of the most fundamental human rights, if not the

most fundamental, and should be guaranteed for

all.

24. The United Nations and its specialized

services have rendered particularly precious

assistance in all areas where hunger threatens,

but we must observe that the problem is far from

being resolved. Perhaps we are over emphasizing

food aid per se , that is, the mere supply of

food products, whereas it would certainly be

better to enable the populations concerned

themselves to meet their own needs.

25. After these considerations of East-West

and North-South problems, I should like to turn

to the principal areas of tension in the world

today. We must unfortunately observe that since

last year there has been a tendency for conflicts

to increase. The unfortunately "traditional"

areas of conflict have been compounded by a new

one, that of the South Atlantic.

On that occasion, one of the members of the

European Community was the victim of grave

violations of the principles of the Charter,

namely those of non-resort to the use of force

and the peaceful settlement of disputes.

26. My country, itself a repeated victim of

annexation and occupation by foreign Powers, can

never condone resort to force or violation of the

right of peoples to self-determination.

27. As for the Middle East, the situation has

deteriorated continually since the last session

of the General Assembly. The gravity and the

inherent dangers of that crisis, which has

continued to shake that part of the world since

the end of the Second World War, have been

emphasized at countless meetings of the Security

Council and at the seventh emergency special

session, when the Assembly met to consider the

problem on three separate occasions.

28. The tragic events which have continued at

an infernal pace in Lebanon since the invasion in

June by Israel led about 10 days ago to the

horrible massacre of some 1,000 Palestinian

civilians in two refugee camps in Beirut. That

criminal and irresponsible act, just like the act

committed against President-elect Bashir Gemayel,

can only be condemned. Like its partners in the

European Community, Luxembourg is convinced that

the future of the Lebanese State can be assured

only if all troops at present occupying the

country—those of Israel or the Syrian Arab

Republic—withdraw as soon as possible.

29. As for the negotiation of a comprehensive

peace for the region, events in Lebanon have

shown the need for all parties to be involved,

which means the Palestine Liberation Organization

as well. The principles that should guide those

negotiations are, more than ever, the security of

all States in the region, including the right of

Israel to exist; justice for all peoples,

including the right of Palestinians to self-

determination with everything that that implies;

and, finally, mutual recognition of all parties

concerned.

30. I would not wish to fail to welcome the

new American proposals announced by President

Reagan on 1 September, as well as the resolution

which the heads of State and Government of Arab

countries adopted unanimously on 9 September at

Fez at the end of the Twelfth Arab Summit

Conference [,4/37/696]. These different ideas,

American and Arab, could encourage concrete

progress in the quest for a just and lasting

peace, to which the people of the Middle East

have aspired for so long. A necessary

precondition, however, is the establishment of a

climate of confidence which is still lacking.

31. Another dangerous and explosive conflict,

of which there is too little discussion in the

Assembly, is also present in the Middle East. I

am referring to the particularly bloody war

between Iran and Iraq which has led to a huge

number of victims and great material damage. This

is another dangerous destabilizing factor in the

region of the Middle East, which has been so

sorely tried. It is important that reason

overcome fanaticism and that a negotiated

solution put an end to that blood-bath.

32. In Asia, two serious drawn out conflicts

continue to be of concern. The main

responsibility for these

two conflicts tails to a super-Power, whether it

is guilty of direct intervention, as in

Afghanistan, or indirect intervention, as in

Kampuchea.

33. The occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet

troops in flagrant violation of the fundamental

principles of the Charter is now in its third

year, despite the vigorous objections of all

justice-loving peoples and the courageous

resistance of the Afghan people. We reiterate our

deep devotion to the right of the Afghan people

to self-determination and its right to return to

its previous status of neutrality and

non-alignment under international guarantees.

34. In Kampuchea, on the pretext of

eliminating an inhuman genocide regime, Viet Nam

has imposed a puppet Government upon which it

seeks to confer legality. Without wishing in any

way to acquiesce in the barbarous policies of the

Pol Pot Government, we remain convinced that the

invasion by Viet Nam is contrary to the

principles of international law. We shall never

subscribe to the idea that it is incumbent upon a

more powerful neighbour to decide on the

well-being of another nation. We believe that it

is high time for the people of Kampuchea, after

such trials and suffering, at last to have the

opportunity itself to decide on its own future,

and we welcome the formation of a coalition

Government as an important step in that direction.

35. In Central America, there is no end to

dangerous tension. Although there has been some

progress in certain countries, the situation

remains unstable and the peoples of the region

are far from having achieved the kind of

coexistence enabling them to live in peace and

security. Interesting proposals have been put

forward by certain countries, and we would hope

that they will contribute to diminishing tension

in the near future.

36. In Africa, there are still numerous

conflicts—in Somalia, Chad or the southern part

of the continent. Let us say at the outset that

the painful problem of apartheid in South Africa

is not near to an acceptable solution. We condemn

this ignoble attack on the dignity of the human

person and we remain convinced of the imperative

need to abandon this policy of racial

discrimination if a dangerous escalation of

violence in southern Africa is to be avoided.

37. Nevertheless, I should like to end on a

somewhat more optimistic note with regard to this

part of the world: indeed, the Namibian conflict

seems close to a solution. We hope that it will

soon be possible to eliminate the last remaining

obstacles in order to enable the Namibian people

to determine its own future.

38. In this respect I wish to emphasize how

deserving are all those who played a constructive

role in the solution of this problem, whether

from the group of five Western States or the

front-line States, and I should like to see

others take inspiration from this model, which

proves once again that when people come to the

negotiating table with the firm intention of

succeeding, even the most thorny problems can be

resolved in a manner acceptable to all.

The picture of the international situation I have

just drawn is especially bleak. Rather than

allowing ourselves to be discouraged and falling

prey to pessimism, we should consider this bitter

reality as a new challenge and redouble our

efforts to reverse this trend.

39. The Organization—at least if we persist

in upholding the Charter—is a precious instrument

in this regard. However, we must make use of this

instrument with deftness and dexterity if it is

to function according to the intentions of its

founders. Hence, we must guard against abusing it

or making inadequate use of it, be it for

propaganda purposes or for short-term political

gain. In particular, we must ensure that every

organ functions in keeping with its mandate and

the principles enshrined in the Charter.

40. Let us guard against bringing before the

organs of the Organization problems they are not

competent to deal with. Otherwise, the only

result would be a profusion of texts whose impact

would be inversely proportional to their number.

That would only lead to false hopes followed by

political discontent from a public which is

already weary of the few successes of the United

Nations in certain specific tragic and easily

identifiable problems.

41. Those few thoughts concur with the

substance of the Secretary-General's analysis of

the situation in his report on the work of the

Organization. That report, made without

complacency, speaks to certain weaknesses of the

Organization but, above all, addresses itself to

Governments—that is to say, to us—inviting us to

go beyond short-term political expediency and

rediscover the true objectives of the United

Nations.

42. The fact remains that the Organization

offers a unique advantage, allowing constant

dialogue amongst all of us. It is up to us to

preserve this advantage and develop it to its

full potential, so that the Organization, in

accordance with paragraph 4 of Article 1 of the

Charter, can be "a centre for harmonizing the

actions of nations in the attainment of common

ends" and remain so for future generations.