Luxembourg, 2009

I believe it is fair to say that we have just come

through an annus horribilis: a year marked by the

worldwide financial and economic crisis, the worst

since the Great Depression of 1929; by an increase in

hunger and poverty — we are speaking about some

100 million more people sinking into hunger and

chronic poverty due to the crisis, and more than

1 billion people suffering from hunger in 2009; by the

dramatic rise in unemployment — the International

Labour Organization (ILO) indicates that 50 million

workers are at risk of losing or have already lost their

jobs; by set-backs in the hard-won progress towards

the Millennium Development Goals; and by the

outbreak of a pandemic. It was also a year during

which questions about the relevance of the United

Nations and calls for an overhaul of international

governance grew ever louder.

Accordingly, we see the need to take stock and

draw lessons, namely, to review the major challenges

the international community is confronting in terms of

development, human rights and the rule of law,

peacekeeping and security, disarmament and

non-proliferation and the fight against climate change.

And what better forum to discuss these issues than the

General Assembly of the United Nations?

The economic crisis that hit the world a year ago

was even more devastating, as it took place while we

were still struggling to cope with, without having

overcome them, the food and energy crises, as well as

the acceleration, obviously, of climate change.

I have just mentioned the particularly negative

impact of the crisis on the poorest. To face those

challenges, we need concerted action, coherent action,

global action, a true global partnership for

development, based on the shared responsibilities of

donors and recipients.

My country will continue to assume its share of

responsibility by maintaining its efforts in terms of

official development assistance (ODA). Having spent

0.95 per cent of its gross national income on ODA in

2008, the Government that was elected in June 2009

has not only confirmed that it maintains the

quantitative target of 1 per cent of its gross national

income, but will also continue to insist on the

qualitative improvement of Luxembourg’s cooperation

in order to further increase efficiency, all of it in the

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context of sustainable development integrating

economic, social and environmental issues.

Luxembourg calls on all Member States to make

the necessary efforts to keep all the commitments that

were made together in this forum and that we have

reiterated at the Millennium Summit in Monterrey and

more recently in Doha.

We must, however, learn the lessons provided by

this multidimensional crisis and contemplate a more

systemic reform of the existing multilateral system,

including the financial and economic architecture, and

adapt it to the current political and socio-economic

realities.

As I stated in this forum in June at the

Conference on the World Financial and Economic

Crisis and Its Impact on Development, the United

Nations and its principal organs must be at the centre

of such a reflection. The Economic and Social Council,

which is the central mechanism for coordination and

the principal organ of the United Nations responsible

for economic and social issues, will have a particularly

important role to play in this regard.

Luxembourg, which chairs the Economic and

Social Council this year, has assumed its

responsibilities in that regard and is working towards

full implementation of the various mandates entrusted

to the Council by Member States in the framework of

the international Conference.

All these actions require a strong multilateral

framework based on sound legal rules that are binding

on all Member States. In times of crisis, unilateral

tendencies unfortunately tend to recur. While it is

important that representatives of the major economies

of the world meet to discuss common problems,

particularly the economic and financial crisis we have

experienced in recent months, such forums should not

and must not substitute for multilateral structures and

existing intergovernmental mandates.

In order to retain the relevance of our multilateral

structures, they must be based on trust and cooperation:

trust between the citizen and the State, trust among

States themselves, whether they are from the North or

the South, rich or poor, and confidence of States in the

United Nations, which is our common good.

It lies in our hands to assume our responsibilities,

to overcome our divisions, to move the thinking and

the decision-making forward, and to ensure

consistency. It lies in our hands to undertake the

necessary reform efforts required for a Security

Council that reflects, at last, the geopolitical realities

of today, and which is more representative, efficient

and transparent; for a revitalized General Assembly,

and for a stronger and more effective Economic and

Social Council. It lies in our hands to demonstrate the

continued relevance of our Organization and its

capacity to act and to formulate joint responses, global

responses and legitimate responses.

In our globalized world, there is no turning away.

We are all concerned, and the challenges we are

facing are of an ever-increasing complexity, including

in matters of peace and security. Yesterday, we

commemorated the sixtieth anniversary of the United

Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine

Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), an anniversary

that one would somehow have preferred not to have to

celebrate, for while it allowed us to express our

gratitude for the outstanding work done by that United

Nations agency in the service of the Palestinian people

on a daily basis, it is true, it is also synonymous with

failure. Sixty years later, the situation in the Middle

East remains unresolved.

While we welcome that the new Administration

in the United States is determined to seek a solution

based on the coexistence of two States and a

comprehensive peace in the Middle East, and while we,

together with our European Union partners, are

committed to working actively with the United States

and other Quartet members, including, obviously, the

United Nations, to achieve this goal, at the same time

we deeply regret that Israel persists in its policy of

colonization.

Mr. Shaheed (Maldives), Vice-President, took the

Chair.

It cannot be repeated too often: the settlement

activity is not only illegal under international law, but

it is also an obstacle to peace. To continue colonization

is to persist in humiliating the Palestinians, in

dominating the Palestinian people. Without the clear

signal of an end to this policy, it is unlikely that serious

negotiations can resume.

We fully support the intention of the President of

the United States to engage in negotiations, and we

will support him in this endeavour. Annapolis showed

that Israelis and Palestinians, when they are alone

45 09-52470

around the negotiating table, are not able to show a

level of commitment commensurate with the

fundamental problems, namely, Jerusalem, the question

of refugees and their right to return, security and the

issue of borders.

We call on all parties to shoulder their

responsibilities and, through their actions, to establish

an environment conducive to the resumption of

negotiations to resolve the conflict. The end of

divisions among Palestinians and the intra-Palestinian

reconciliation that is centred on President Mahmoud

Abbas, who has demonstrated in the West Bank that

substantial progress in terms of security and

governance is possible, are just as much a part of this

as the adoption of confidence-building measures by

Israel and Arab countries or the simultaneous search

for solutions to the conflicts between, on the one hand,

Israel and the Syrian Arab Republic and, on the other

hand, Israel and Lebanon.

In that context, I would also like to stress just

how urgent it is to find a sustainable solution to the

crisis in Gaza through the full implementation of

Security Council resolution 1860 (2009). An end must

be put to the untenable situation of 1.5 million

Palestinians living in a prison. Giving hope and

motivation to the Palestinian people is a basic human

obligation. Light must also be shed on the events in

Gaza, including the events following the release of the

United Nations fact-finding mission’s report, which has

just been published and which has brought shocking

acts to light. The credibility of the United Nations is at

stake in this matter.

The credibility of the international community

too is at stake in a number of respects with regard to

the situation in Afghanistan. It is at stake as far as the

establishment and maintenance of peace and security is

concerned, but also in terms of preserving the rule of

law and respect for our fundamental values, ensuring

the economic and social development of the country

and combating poverty. That was the mandate given to

the United Nations back in 2001. It has become clear

that, eight years after the adoption of that mandate, the

progress made is still not enough. In the light of the

increasing number of bloody attacks carried out across

the country, the events surrounding the recent

presidential elections and the alarming figures in terms

of development objectives, public opinion is beginning

to wonder whether in fact we are not moving

backwards.

There is no easy solution, but there is certainly no

alternative to our continued engagement in the country.

I would like to stress that, together with our European

Union and NATO partners, we will remain engaged

alongside the authorities and the people of

Afghanistan. There can be no question of abandoning

the people, who have been devastated by decades of

conflict and violations of their most basic rights. The

goal must be a stable and democratic State where all

forces, including the Taliban, recognize and respect the

rule of law and basic human rights.

Another conflict area that has long been a source

of concern and where our hopes of lasting peace were

once again called into question in the past year is the

Democratic Republic of the Congo. Once again it is

civilians who must suffer the consequences. We are

seriously concerned about the crimes committed

against civilians, especially women and children.

In that context I would like to welcome the draft

Security Council resolution that provides for concrete

follow-up to resolution 1820 (2008), on women and

peace and security. Luxembourg fully supports that

text. I also welcome the personal commitment of the

Secretary-General in the fight against sexual violence.

It is important that the United Nations system as a

whole address the phenomenon of sexual violence,

which is used increasingly as a weapon of war in

armed conflict even after hostilities have ended. It is

essential to strengthen efforts to prevent such acts from

happening and to bring to justice those who commit

those horrible crimes.

While much remains to be said about the

challenges in terms of the maintenance of peace and

security, especially in the context of the current debate

on the future of peacekeeping operations — a debate

that I applaud — allow me to dwell for a moment on

the current encouraging developments in the field of

disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation.

I welcome President Obama’s initiative to engage

the Security Council in a broader discussion of issues

pertaining to non-proliferation and disarmament,

beyond the specific area of issues related to sanctions.

As we are only a few months from the eighth Review

Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), it is

important that we demonstrate our determination to

carry out that task as regards the three pillars of the

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NPT, the ultimate goal being a world free of nuclear

weapons.

The same goes for the Comprehensive Nuclear-

Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), the other cornerstone of the

nuclear non-proliferation regime. As I said yesterday

during the meeting of States that have ratified the

CTBT, the call of the Security Council to sign and

ratify the CTBT and the commitment of President

Obama to do everything possible to ensure ratification

in the United States are crucial. The Treaty must at last

enter into force. We hope that those encouraging

developments will lead others to adopt a more

constructive attitude, with full respect for their

international obligations.

Beyond non-proliferation issues, however, we

must not overlook disarmament itself. In that regard,

we certainly welcome the decision of the United States

and the Russian Federation to conduct negotiations to

conclude a new comprehensive agreement following

the expiry of the START II Treaty next December.

Allow me as well to say a few words about an

issue that is also relevant in terms of security and

defence. I am referring to the welcome decision — in

my opinion, at least — by the United States

Administration to abandon the effort to put in place a

missile defence shield. It always seemed to me that the

way forward in that regard was not to adopt unilateral

measures, but to engage in discussion and cooperation

with our Russian partners with a view to ensuring our

common security.

I cannot conclude without saying a few words

about climate change, which is perhaps the greatest

challenge to world prosperity in the long term. I would

like to take this opportunity to thank the Secretary-

General once again for convening the summit of

22 September. That resulted in political mobilization at

the highest level, which is crucial if we want to make

the Copenhagen Conference a success and set a new

course towards sustainable development and green

growth that reduces carbon emissions.

The scientific evidence exists. It is now up to us

to respond with determination in facing those facts.

Developed countries will have to set the example by

agreeing to ambitious and higher than average targets

to reduce carbon dioxide by 2050. They must do so by

entering into binding legal commitments, including for

the medium term, in the context of an effective and

universal international regime to which countries

contribute on the basis of their capacity.

Moreover, the issue of adaptation to climate

change — including also the financing of related

efforts, which will necessarily constitute an additional

expense — should be treated as a priority at

Copenhagen. Allow me to note in passing that the

disarmament efforts that I have just described should

free up financial resources that could be put to better

use in this regard.

Meanwhile, together with its partners in the

European Union, Luxembourg has already committed

itself to reach the so-called 20-20-20 goal of increasing

energy efficiency in the European Union by 20 per

cent, increasing renewable energy by 20 per cent of

total energy consumption and reducing greenhouse gas

emissions by 20 per cent compared to 1990 levels.

Beginning several years ago, Luxembourg began to

systematically incorporate the issue of adaptation to

climate change in its development programmes.

Climate change, however, will have an impact not

only on development, but also on the full enjoyment of

human rights and on the security of countries. I

therefore very much welcome the report produced by

the Secretary-General following the initiative taken in

that regard by Pacific small island developing States,

which addresses the full scope of the problem.

Luxembourg remains firmly convinced of the

relevance of a multilateral approach in which the

United Nations is at the centre. We will continue to

base our policies and make our contributions with a

view to creating a world that is more just, more

peaceful and more prosperous, as enshrined in our

founding Charter. It is also because of this passionate

motivation to work towards a strong and effective

multilateralism that Luxembourg, a founding Member

of the United Nations, aspires to become, for the first

time, a non-permanent member of the Security Council

in 2013-2014.