Libya, 1992

It gives me pleasure at the outset to join the speakers who preceded

me in congratulating you. Sir, on your election to the presidency of the

General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. My delegation is confident

that your wide experience and diplomatic skill will contribute to the success

of the session.

I should like also to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi,

for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the affairs of the forty-sixth

session of the General Assembly.

I am pleased also to convey our appreciation and praise to the

Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for this

consistent efforts, in the face of numerous impediments, to strengthen the

role of the Organization in achieving the purposes and principles of the

United Nations Charter, as well as for his Agenda for Peace proposals aimed at

enhancing the role of the United Nations in preserving international peace and

security, ensuring justice and protecting human rights.

I should like too to welcome the new Members of the Organization:

Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,

Slovenia, Moldova, San Marino, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and

Georgia. Their accession to the Organization's membership is a further step

towards the complete universality of our Organization. It also enhances

international acceptability of the principles and purposes of this great

Organization and boosts its efforts to achieve justice, prosperity, progress

and international peace and security.

Since the last session, international relations and the international

balance of power have undergone profound changes and transformations. Those

changes have resulted in, among other things, the collapse and disintegration

of what was known as the Soviet Union, and the end of bipolarity. The world

has begun to seek the establishment of an alternative order whose features

have not crystallized. In the meantime, there are signs that several of the

cold-war problems such as certain regional conflicts, the dismantling of the

apartheid system in South Africa and the slowing down of the arms race may

be amenable to solution. These developments in international relations have

created new opportunities and new challenges. The challenges must be

confronted by the international community with all seriousness and

determination.' This should be done by strengthening the spirit of

understanding and reconciliation that now prevails in international relations.

However, this optimism should not stop us from conceding that certain old

questions and problems have not been resolved yet. Furthermore, those

developments have created new hotbeds of tension in certain areas of the

world, as evidenced by the eruption of the ethnic conflicts and civil wars

that have cast their shadows on the international arena. Such unwelcome

trends make it incumbent upon the international community to do more to

strengthen the positive trends in international relations so that we may

resolve the residual and the new problems alike.

Within that context, my country supports the efforts of the States of the

Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to reach a speedy solution

to the Liberian problem.

We also urge the international community to encourage the Afghans to

settle their differences in a manner that would spare them new confrontation.

And we call on the international community to work seriously to end the bloody

conflict in the Balkans by encouraging the republics of the former Yugoslavia

to settle their disputes through dialogue and negotiation instead of force and

violence.

The international community should redouble its efforts to put an end to

the human tragedy of the Somali people and to take appropriate measures to

reach a rational reconciliation, thereby guaranteeing a dignified life for the

Somalis, who are facing a massive famine.

As for the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United

Arab Emirates, over the islands of Abu Mousa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb, we

would like to state the need to adhere to the international norms and

conventions that prohibit the occupation by force of the territory of another

State. We call upon our brethren in Iran and the United Arab Emirates to

allow reason, respect for good-neighbourliness, and the principle of

sovereignty to prevail, and to search for a peaceful solution to this

conflict, thereby sparing the region an escalation in tensions.

The just cause of the Palestinian people has been with the United Nations

since its inception. Notwithstanding the adoption of numerous resolutions by

the General Assembly, the Security Council and other organs, the Organization

remains unable to implement its own resolutions. As the Secretary-General

states in his report to the Security Council on preventive diplomacy,

"The principles of the Charter should be applied consistently, not

selectively, for if the perception should be of the latter, trust will

wane and with it the moral authority which is the greatest and most

unique quality of that instrument." (A/47/277, para. 82)

Due to clear discrimination against the Palestinian people who remain

under the yoke of Israeli occupation and suffer all forms of oppression,

repression, enslavement and injustice caused by an international community

which employs double standards that people rose up in an intifadah against

Israeli occupation, insisting, properly, on their right to self-determination

and demonstrating that the will of peoples cannot be crushed by repression.

We should like to reaffirm from this rostrum our support for the

intifadah of the Palestinian people against injustice and for that people's

right to liberate their land, to exercise self-determination and to establish

their own independent and sovereign State. We urge the international

community to translate its support of the Palestinian people into practical

measures by pressing for the immediate halting of Jewish immigration to

Palestine and the occupied Arab territories, the complete halting of the

building of Israeli settlements, the protection of the Palestinian people and

the implementation of all resolutions relevant to the Palestinian question and

to the occupied Arab territories, so that peace and justice may prevail in all

parts of the Middle East.

Despite all the encouraging developments in South Africa over the past

two years, recent events have shown that the situation there is still a source

of tension and cause for concern. The recent eruption and escalation of

violence is an ominous sign of a possible explosion that may jeopardize the

process designed to abolish apartheid through negotiation. While welcoming

the steps recently taken by the international community in this respect, my

country will continue its support of the South African people's struggle to

eradicate the system of apartheid, which, it seems, is unwilling to desist

from its racist practices voluntarily and, chameleon-like, is desperately

trying to disguise itself. Therefore, all of us must maintain the pressure on

that regime to make it heed the will of the majority, the will of the

international community and the relevant United Nations resolutions.

The remarkable changes and developments in today's world impose new

responsibilities on the United Nations in performing its role as an instrument

of preserving world peace and security and promoting stability,

reconciliation, development and prosperity for all. Small and vulnerable

countries have taken heart from the Organization's increased capabilities,

especially now that the Organization has achieved marked success in the

settlement of disputes in Cambodia and Afghanistan, in the realization of

Namibia's independence and in supporting the legitimate struggle of the people

of South Africa to dismantle apartheid.

Notwithstanding those positive indications in the Organization's work, it

has been noted that some still continue to dominate the Organization and to

use it, under various pretexts, to serve their own political purposes through

the law of force rather than the force of the law, and by pursuing policies of

political and military intervention as well as economic pressure. The

pressures to which Libya has been subjected are part and parcel of those

policies. The same is true of what has been visited upon the Iraqi people.

Thus, we call for an end to the embargo imposed against the people of Iraq,

for an end to their starvation, for respecting their sovereignty and for

non-interference in their internal affairs.

What has become known as the Lockerbie Case is one of the by-products of

the present international situation and illustrates its effect on small

countries that pursue independent policies and take independent positions.

The case also shows the need to introduce basic changes in the mechanism by

which resolutions are adopted in the United Nations, and especially in the

Security Council, so as to make them more expressive of the will of the

international community. The case also pinpoints the dangers inherent in the

tendency of certain States to use the powers of the Security Council to

achieve their own private objectives and to use double standards in dealing

with issues before the Council in a manner that deals high-handedly and

arbitrarily with the sovereignty and rights of small and vulnerable countries.

The Lockerbie Case was raised and forced upon the Security Council and

dealt with under Chapter VII of the Charter, which does not apply, since Libya

neither threatened world peace nor threatened or committed aggression against

another country, actions it would have to have taken to be liable under the

provisions of Chapter VII, which relates to the maintenance of international

peace and security. Conscious of that, and based on its abhorrence of

terrorism, of which it is a victim, my country expressed, in good will, its

sincere willingness to cooperate in uncovering the facts and circumstances

relating to the case. Upon being notified of the matter, my country took all

required legal measures consistent with international law and conventions that

do not violate Libya's sovereign rights. Regrettably, however, the interested

parties refused to cooperate with the Libyan legal authorities, which had

offered to conduct joint investigations of the two Libyan suspects. When the

States concerned referred the matter to the Security Council, which adopted

resolution 731 (1992) calling upon Libya to cooperate, my country, in letters

to the United Nations Secretary-General, expressed its acceptance of the

resolution and proposed a series of initiatives to implement it. Throughout,

my country has been motivated by a desire to reach a settlement that would

guarantee the rights of all parties and spare the region the dangers of

tension and instability. However, the Libyan initiatives concerning the

implementation of the provisions of the resolution met the same fate as

earlier ones, for the countries concerned rushed to the Security Council to

seek adoption of another resolution imposing unjust sanctions against the

small, peaceful Libyan people, without any legal basis or moral

justification. That action completely ignored my country's declared

commitment to effective cooperation in the implementation of Security Council

resolution 731 (1992), as set out clearly in document S/23917 of 14 May 1992.

The commitment was welcomed by the great majority of the family of nations as

represented in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the Organization of

African Unity, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the League of

Arab States, all of which expressed solidarity with the fair Libyan position

from the very start of the crisis. In all of their decisions and final

statements issued in September 1992 those organizations were unanimous on the

following points.

First, praised Libya's cooperation in seeking a peaceful settlement of

the crisis within the context of Libya's national sovereignty, international

law, and the principles of the United Nations Charter that govern relations

between independent States.

Secondly, called on the parties concerned to respond positively to

Libya's initiatives calling for dialogue, negotiation, and non-escalation, in

order to reach a solution to the crisis under Chapter VI of the Charter of the

United Nations and under the auspices of the Secretary-General, in a manner

that would be conducive to ending the crisis and its repercussions peacefully,

fairly and quickly.

Thirdly, called upon the Security Council to lift the measures imposed on

Libya, which has expressed its commitment to resolution 731 (1992)

As part of its initiatives, Libya has recently called on the

Secretary-General of the United Nations to send an international committee to

verify that Libya has met all the requirements of Security Council resolution

731 (1992) related to terrorism. Once again, the parties concerned prevented

the Secretary-General from responding to this proposal, and - at a time when

my country had expected the Council to lift or reduce the unjust sanctions in

the light of Libya's positive response to the requirements of resolution

731 (1992) concerning terrorism, which we unequivocally condemn, and its

complete willingness to provide a fair and unbiased trial for the suspects,

which has been agreed to sought to persuade the Security Council to adopt a

new resolution extending the sanctions for four more months. My country still

calls for a peaceful settlement to this situation, a settlement that will

safeguard the rights of all, maintain the principles of international law, and

save the world from escalation and confrontation.

The unjust sanctions against my country have caused a great deal of human

and material harm, loss and suffering to the Libyan people. My country has

already detailed those losses and damages in official circulating documents of

the Security Council. The embargo has affected numerous sectors, especially

in the fields of health and social services. One example of this is the fact

that the delay in the arrival of medical supplies and instruments has led to

the deaths of a large number of children, and pregnant women who died in

labour. It was also impossible to send abroad over 3,000 medical cases that

can not be treated locally, including cases of heart disease, kidney

transplants, bone-marrow transplants, neurosurgery, and burns. One hundred

and fifty gravely ill patients, who could not be treated locally, died while

being transported overland to airports in Tunisia and Egypt. In addition, the

overuse of land routes to and from the Jamahiriya resulted in an increase in

road accidents during the last four months of this year compared to the same

period in 1991. The number of accidents rose from 2,401 in 1991 to 3,788 over

the past four months. Deaths from these accidents rose from 389 to 528, an

increase of about 35 per cent.

As for economic losses resulting from the air embargo, they have amounted

to $2,157 million as a result of the fall in revenues generated by exports of

fruits and vegetables, in addition to a 44 per cent drop in non-oil exports.

The sanctions also resulted in the interruption of many industrial activities

due to the shortage in means of production and spare parts, not to mention

agriculture. The losses in animal and agricultural production, for example.

are estimated at $1,062,803,000.00 as a result of the non-arrival of medicines

and sera necessary for protecting the livestock sector against animal

epidemics and communicable diseases.

Those who prompted the Security Council to impose these sanctions on our

small, peaceful population which has limited resources and has threatened no

one bear the political, legal, and moral responsibility for the deaths of

women, children, the aged, the handicapped, and the sick. They also bear

responsibility for the decline in the standard of living, the slow pace of

development, the spread of epidemics, and the imprisonment of an entire people

inside its own borders. There is no doubt that all of this relates directly

to human rights. History will bear witness to what is being perpetrated in

the name of the Security Council against a small, peaceful population.

Thus, my country would like from this rostrum to call upon the

international Organization and the international Security Council, out of

respect for the principles of justice, to lift these sanctions, which have

harmed the Libyan people and the peoples of neighboring States. It also

invites the concerned parties to engage in dialogue and to cooperate in order

to reach a solution to this dispute based on sovereignty and mutual respect in

accordance with international norms and laws.

I must put before this international forum some facts that are no doubt

universally accepted. The first fact is that all countries, large and small,

must respect the Charter of the United Nations and uphold international law if

the world is not to slip into a state of anarchy, which is in no one's

interest. The objective of the United Nations should be the protection of the

sovereignty of States and respect for their laws. The second fact is that the

Security Council, the authority entrusted with maintaining international peace

and security, should not become a tool used by some world Powers as a cover

for their hegemonistic designs. The third fact is the need for an

international judicial organ entrusted with trying those who commit acts of

terrorism of any sort or source. Hence, we welcome the call for the

establishment of an international criminal court to look into international

criminal cases.

The consolidation of security and cooperation in the Mediterranean region

is high on the agenda of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, for we believe that

security and peace in that region is vital, not only to the coastal States,

but also to the peace and security of the world. Thus, my country remains

convinced that effective security in the region can be achieved only after the

causes of tension that beset the Mediterranean are removed and after the

foreign navies and military bases are withdrawn from it. Moreover,

cooperation among its coastal States should be increased, coordinated and

intensified. That is why my country would like to underscore the findings in

the final declaration of the Tenth Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement

Countries, which called for supporting the efforts aimed at transforming the

Mediterranean into a zone of peace, security and cooperation on the basis of

the principles of respect for the equality and sovereignty of States,

non-intervention in the internal affairs of others, and the non-use or threat

of force.

My country has consistently affirmed that it supports disarmament because

it is aware of the terrible dangers that armaments pose to our planet. In

this context, Libya submitted to the Assembly a proposal calling on the United

Nations General Assembly to look into the serious phenomena of concern to all

nations, such as international terrorism how to deal with its causes and how

to eradicate it; weapons of mass destruction, and offensive strategic weapons,

which constitute a terrifying danger for all, including those who own them.

The proposal refers also to offering compensation to the peoples who were

colonized and subjected to repression and suppression by their colonizers.

Our proposal deals also with other important issues, such as the question of

refugees, exiles and the kidnapped, in addition to reviewing the Charter of

the United Nations. It proposes studying various economic and social problems

and the ills that afflict humanity with a view to finding a solution for all

these problems and to realizing stability, prosperity and happiness for the

whole world.

In addition to this, it is important to solve certain political questions

which have been with the United Nations since its inception. All those

questions are contained in document A/46/840 of 9 January 1992.

Once again, my country renews its call for disarmament through the

elimination of all weapons of mass destruction of all countries which possess,

produce or stockpile them, without exception or discrimination. My country,

as party to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty and to the Treaty on the

prohibition of bacteriological weapons and the Geneva Protocol, supports all

efforts aimed at curbing the arms race and at eliminating nuclear weapons.

That is why we welcome the recent agreement between the United States of

America and the Russian Federation further to reduce their nuclear weapons.

My country also welcomes France's accession to the non-proliferation Treaty.

To further expand this tendency, my country supports the establishment of

zones that are free of all nuclear, chemical and bacteriological weapons,

including Africa and the Middle East. It also supports the proposal of the

Arab Republic of Egypt which calls for declaring the Middle East an area free

of weapons of mass destruction. This objective, however, is obstructed by

persistent difficulties resulting from Israel's continued production,

possession and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction as well as its

testing of these weapons and its refusal to heed repeated international

appeals to submit its nuclear facilities to the safeguards regime of the

International Atomic Energy Agency.

In this present era of change one concrete fact emerges, namely that the

international community has not shown the same concern over questions of

economic development as it did in regard to other questions such as those of

political crises. Economic problems, which are a significant factor in the

obstruction of development and growth, are still with us. This does not seem

logical, especially at a time when the world looks forward to a new era of

security and stability. If this new era is to materialize, appropriate

measures should be taken to solve the intractable economic problems of the

developing countries in particular. These include the problems arising from

protectionism, lack of transfer of technology, reverse flows of resources,

external debts and low commodity prices. Furthermore, the imposition of

arbitrary measures and sanctions, such as economic embargoes, trade

restrictions and the freezing of funds and assets by certain developed

countries against a number of developing countries, must be halted. In

addition, it is very important for the international community to honour its

commitments vis-a-vis certain programmes, such as the United Nations New

Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s. Africa expects a great

deal from this programme which is supposed to bolster development efforts

started on the continent at the regional level by establishing the African

economic community, and at the subregional level in the form of groupings such

as the Arab Maghreb Union, to which my country is honoured to belong. This

union aims at intensifying cooperation among its member countries and with the

rest of the continent. It also seeks to enter into wider cooperation with

other countries of the world, especially the European Mediterranean countries,

and to enhance cooperation between the countries of the South and the North.

The results of the Summit on environment and development which was held

in the middle of this year are a great achievement that bespeaks the

international community's determination to protect the world's natural

resources. The commitment of the world to preserve the environment was

evident in the agreements on climatic change and biological diversity that

were reached at that Conference. The important thing now is to cooperate

internationally and effectively in implementing the conclusions and

recommendations of the Earth Summit. In this respect, my country welcomes the

decision of the Summit concerning the setting up of a standing developmental

committee and hopes that this committee will become a forum for implementing

the decisions of Agenda 21 which are aimed at preserving the environment while

pursuing development.

Conservation of the environment requires both international cooperation

and national efforts. My country participated in the Rio de Janeiro

Conference and signed its conventions and agreements. At the national level

my country accords top priority to questions of development. Accordingly, my

country has begun to combat drought and desertification through the great

man-made river project which will carry millions of cubic metres of water from

the southern part of Libya to the arable land in the coastal area where the

greatest part of our population lives. Our national plans aim at the

reclamation of thousands of hectares of land for both agriculture and human

settlement. Despite all this, my country still suffers from a severe shortage

of water which is necessary for its economic development plans. This shortage

not only threatens my country, but will imperil the continuation of life in

North Africa and the Middle East unless it is dealt with through international

cooperation.

I must state here that our aspirations after development face certain

difficulties which my country has raised in several regional and international

forums, including the General Assembly. The Secretary-General himself spoke

about those difficulties in his report. An Agenda for Peace. I am here

referring to mines and the remnants of war. During the Second World War,

Libyan territory was used as one of the main theatres for military

operations. Our people have paid an exorbitant material and human price for a

war in which our country had no stake. Since the end of that war, the Libyan

people have continued to suffer from the remnants of the war and the mines and

explosives planted by the warring armies in its territory.

Many regional and international organizations, including the General

Assembly, have adopted resolutions calling upon the countries responsible to

submit the required information and technical assistance needed for the

removal of those mines and remnants, and to pay compensation for the damage

caused by them.

Today, we reiterate our call to those countries to act in a responsible

manner, to respond positively to the appeals of the international community

and to implement the provisions of General Assembly resolutions relating to

the remnants of war.

The environment in my country is also threatened by the harmful effects

of pollution in the Mediterranean, caused by the wastes poured into its water

by foreign navies stationed in the area, the over-consumption and

over-production of the developed Mediterranean countries and the dumping of

hundreds of tons of pesticides and combustibles in its waters. This has

caused an environmental imbalance that is being further aggravated by the

exploitation of the Mediterranean by countries from outside the region.

Human rights issues are the focus of the international community's

attention and are at the top of its scale of priorities. While appreciating

the role of the United Nations in ensuring the exercise of human rights and

basic freedoms, we must state that those rights are not scrupulously respected

in a number of regions. In addition, the double standards and the selectivity

that mar the conduct of certain countries in the area of protecting human

rights have prevented the United Nations, and especially the Commission on

Human Rights, from effectively performing their role in this area. We hope

that the World Conference on Human Rights, to be held in Vienna in mid-1993,

will afford us opportunities to deliberate on all these questions and will

adopt practical measures to deal with them and identify the ways and means

whereby human rights may be protected and defended against violations.*

My country attaches great importance to human rights and to the dignity

and welfare of man. This was reaffirmed in the great green document on human

rights, which includes numerous basic principles for the promotion of human

rights. This has been crowned by effective and legal procedures, such as the

law on enhancing freedoms, which was promulgated in 1991, the establishment of

a national human rights commission and an international committee for the

Qaddafi human rights award. Furthermore, Libya has acceded to most

international agreements and instruments relating to human rights and measures

are being taken to meet our commitments arising from accession to these

agreements and instruments.

One of the items on the international agenda is the setting up of a new

world order. There is no doubt that such a world order will not function

properly and effectively unless we overcome and rectify certain shortcomings

of the United Nations, since the Organization will be the world body that will

play a fundamental role in the management and coordination of that new world

order. Thus, the most urgent task now is to reinvigorate the United Nations,

restructure and democratize it. My country welcomes the efforts being made at

present to reform the Organization and enhance its effectiveness, including

the encouraging initiatives of the Secretary-General.

However, a great deal remains to be done in this respect, such as

ensuring full respect for the Charter, and consistent adherence to its

provisions, without selectivity and without any breach of its principles. We

must also ensure that the Organization is not dominated by any one and that

its resolutions are respected and implemented non-selectively. Furthermore,

the role of the General Assembly should be strengthened in a manner that would

ensure the effective and full implementation of all its resolutions, as those

resolutions are the true expression of the sum-total of the positions of all

the Member States. Also, the current composition of the Security Council

should be reviewed and expanded in order for it to reflect the increase in

membership of the United Nations. It is also highly important to review some

of the provisions of the Charter. We would like specifically to focus

attention on the veto right in the Security Council. My country was the first

to call for the abolition of that privilege, because it is one of the main

impediments to the most important role for which the United Nations was

established, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. We

have lately felt satisfaction at the expansion of this call. Many countries,

including some current members of the Security Council, have voiced similar

views, and have come to share our conviction that a system of collective

security that continues to be subject to a veto by some countries can never be

depended on to maintain peace and security.

In a few years time, we will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the

United Nations. Over the past four decades, the Organization has performed a

remarkable role in decolonization and has worked tirelessly for the

consolidation of international peace and security. It has taken many

initiatives towards the achievement of economic development and social

well-being. Hence, my country's welcome for the call to convene an

International Conference on Human Rights in 1993 and an International

Conference on Population in 1994, as both conferences will afford an

opportunity for the re-assessment of international programmes of assistance to

developing countries, with a view to achieving an optimum balance between

population growth and development resources.

My country welcomes also the call for convening an International

Conference on Women in 1995, and attaches great importance to the World Summit

for Social Development, because it will give political impetus to national,

regional and international efforts and activities aimed at meeting the social

needs of many developing countries.

As all those world conferences will take place under circumstances of

international change and transformation, my country looks forward to their

results and hopes that they will lead to the laying of solid foundations and

the formulation of clear-cut approaches that would lead to international

efforts aimed at the strengthening of peace, security and stability for all as

well as the creation of opportunities for the progress of all mankind.

In these critical times and in the context of this unstable international

situation, the small countries of the world look towards the United Nations

with all their hopes for a brave new world of peace, security, justice and

equality for all that would be built by the hands of all nations alike, large

and small, wealthy and poor; a brave world in which the values of freedom,

democracy and human rights are upheld and which will be free of violence,

injustice and dictatorship; a world of love and brotherhood, where God's light

shines above the whole Earth the one God, who is Lord of the universe. We

sincerely hope that the United Nations will rise to the great challenges that

face it. The President of the Assembly can count on my country's cooperation

in every endeavour that will promote, enhance and realize these principles and

objectives I have spoken of. With peace and love from the small, peaceful

Libyan people to all your peace-loving peoples.