Libya, 1996

It gives me great pleasure to

congratulate Mr. Razali Ismail on his election as President

of this session of the General Assembly. His assumption

of that high post is a tribute to him personally and to his

country, Malaysia, with which my country has good

relations and close ties enhanced by bonds of friendship

and cooperation. My delegation is confident that his

political experience and diplomatic skill will help us in

achieving a successful session. He has taken over the

presidency from his predecessor, His Excellency

Mr. Diego Freitas do Amaral of Portugal. I should like to

take this opportunity to express our gratitude to him for

the way he conducted the affairs of the fiftieth session of

the General Assembly.

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali has shown great skill in

conducting the affairs of the Organization by virtue of his

long experience, his wide knowledge of world affairs and

his grasp of the substance of regional conflicts. That is

why he enjoys our full support in continuing at the helm

of the Organization. Since he enjoys worldwide support,

as expressed by several regional organizations, we are

confident that the Assembly will support his reelection to

the post of Secretary-General of the Organization so that

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he may continue the process he started in the field of

restructuring and strengthening the United Nations and

enhancing its role to enable it fully to shoulder its

responsibilities in realizing the purposes of the Charter,

namely, the establishment of peace, justice and equality and

the promotion of development.

This session is convened in the aftermath of important

events and in the midst of vast developments. The Fourth

World Conference on Women achieved good results.

Attempts are being made to overcome economic difficulties,

promote development, and eliminate phenomena that

threaten the environment.

It is a good omen that this session is starting at a time

when optimism is rising as a result of the progress achieved

in settling the dispute in the Balkans. But if satisfaction at

such happy developments has been widespread, concern has

deepened over the persistence of chronic disturbances and

the eruption of destructive civil wars. To confront these

events, which threaten international peace and security, the

international community must exert greater effort to contain

such disturbances and wars.

In this context, it is essential to remove the obstacles

hampering the implementation of peace agreements in

Angola and Liberia. A definitive solution must be

implemented for the ethnic disputes in Rwanda and

Burundi. The brotherly people of Somalia continue to suffer

from long-standing problems. They expect our support for

a reconciliation that would meet the needs of all Somalis

and respond to their hopes and aspirations. An end should

be put to the suffering of the brotherly people of Iraq by

lifting the sanctions, maintaining the unity and territorial

integrity of Iraq and desisting from premeditated attempts

to impinge on its sovereignty and its freedom in decision-

making.

My country is extremely concerned at the latest

developments in Iraq. The United States aggression against

Iraq is a violation of its sovereignty and an interference in

its internal affairs. We have confirmed and confirm again

today that Iraq has the right to territorial integrity and to

exercise sovereignty over its entire territory. For the United

States of America to consider that Iraq’s exercise of its

sovereign rights constitutes aggression, at a time when Iraq

is being subjected to United States aggression, is reverse

logic that must be denounced and condemned by the

international community.

The conflict in the Middle East, with the question of

Palestine at its core, has been among the priority issues at

the United Nations for more than half a century. Now,

despite all the talk about the peace process, the fact

remains that the Palestinian people continue to be

displaced from their homeland. Those who remain are

oppressed by the Israelis by collective siege and random

deportation, in total disregard of international

denunciation of such practices and in complete defiance

of the international will, which supports the legitimate

struggle of the Palestinian people and calls for respect for

international decisions calling for the full realization of all

the rights of the Palestinian people, in particular their

right to return to their homeland and their right to self-

determination.

As we have seen ever since the usurpation of the

land of Palestine by the Israelis, the fact is that

occupation and expansion have always been a constant

policy to realize israeli ambitions. Their settlement

activities increase daily. Their jails are filled with

thousands of prisoners. Houses are demolished for no

reason. Rash Israeli statements that the Palestinians have

no right to a State of their own are often repeated, along

with acts of aggression against southern Lebanon. The

Israelis are also perpetuating their occupation of the

Syrian Golan. They persevere in the judaization of

Jerusalem, including their designs to demolish the most

important Islamic shrine, namely, the Holy Al-Aqsa

Mosque.

These Israeli actions prove that the Israelis do not

want peace. Their joining the so-called peace process is

nothing more than a smoke screen to hide their attempts

to impose their will on the Arab nation and make it bow

in submission, thus setting a seal on their occupation and

their sense of superiority.

My country has publicly declared that the current

so-called peace arrangements will not lead to a genuine

and lasting solution. Events have proved the validity of

our analysis and the depth of our vision. Just, true and

comprehensive peace will not be achieved so long as the

Israelis are shedding the blood of the Palestinian people.

Peace will not be sustainable under the shadow of Israel’s

nuclear terrorism and its obstinate denial of the legitimate

rights of the Palestinian people. Peace can come only

through the return of the Palestinians to their homeland

and the establishment of an independent, democratic State

in Palestine, with Holy Jerusalem as its capital and where

Palestinian Arabs and Jews would live on an equal

footing — similar to what has happened in South Africa.

Anything other than that solution would ignore historical

facts and lack realism, and would only lead to more

20

bloodshed and keep the area as a pocket of tension where

nobody enjoys peace or security.

Five years ago, three western countries — the United

States of America, Britain and France — accused Libyan

citizens of involvement in the Pan American flight 103

accident and the incident involving the French union de

tranports aérens (UTA) flight 772. Despite the fact that

those who unleashed those accusations never submitted any

proof or evidence to support their claims, my country has

declared its readiness to uncover all the facts related to the

two incidents. We started an investigation of those whom

the American and the British authorities claim are involved

in the Pan American flight 103 incident.

My country has also called on the authorities in these

countries to assist with the investigation. Instead of

responding to this request, which falls within the legal

framework of the dispute, the three countries have fully

politicized the problem, resorted to the Security Council

and imposed Council resolution 731 (1992). Despite all this,

and out of our keen desire to settle all aspects of the

dispute, the Jamahiriya announced its acceptance of that

resolution and took practical measures in response to it.

The Jamahiriya has condemned international terrorism

in all its forms and has declared its commitment to any

measures to be decided by the international community to

combat terrorism. Libya’s vehement determination to secure

the total eradication of terrorism is reflected in the civilized

proposal contained in document A/46/840, which calls for

the convening of a special session of the General Assembly

to study the causes and dimensions of this phenomenon and

devise the means that would eliminate it.

The Jamahiriya has also cooperated with the

Government of the United Kingdom in uncovering the

elements accused by Britain of involvement in terrorist acts.

In the statement, circulated in document S/1995/973 of 20

November 1995, the British informed the Security Council

that Libya’s answers to their queries about the relationship

with the provisional Irish Republic Army were satisfactory

and conformed with their expectations.

Furthermore, Libya has cooperated with the French

investigating magistrate who visited Libya during the period

5 to 16 July 1996. During that visit, the Libyan authorities

provided him with all the facilities he needed to conclude

his mission. Later, French statements paid tribute to the

positive cooperation of the Libyan authorities with the

French magistrate.

The Jamahiriya has proposed several solutions for

the trial of the two Libyans suspected of involvement in

the United States plane’s accident. It has proposed that

the two stand trial before a court whose venue should be

agreed upon. Libya has also proposed recourse to the

International Court of Justice after the United States and

Britain refused to apply the Montreal Convention for the

Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil

Aviation of 1971, despite the fact that both countries are

parties to the Convention. Libya has also accepted the

proposal submitted by the League of Arab States, which

calls for trying the two suspects at the headquarters of the

International Court of Justice in The Hague, before

Scottish judges and under Scottish law.

These proposed solutions which were either

submitted or accepted by the Jamahiriya have been

confirmed on more than one occasion and before several

forums, including this Assembly. This is a sufficient

response to those who claim that Libya refuses to permit

the trial of the two suspects, and especially to President

Clinton, who said in his statement on 23 September that

Libya refuses to surrender the persons responsible for the

explosion of Pan American flight 103. Libya has no

objection to the two suspects standing trial. The only

thing that Libya wants is to guarantee them a neutral and

fair trial, free from any media or political influences. We

ask this especially because officials in both Britain and

the United States, in their statements, have claimed that

the two Libyan citizens are guilty and should be punished,

indicating that a conviction is pre-ordained before any

investigation and before any court appearance.

The Jamahiriya’s handling of the dispute has been

widely supported internationally and by Arab and African

countries. The Organization of the Islamic Conference has

declared its solidarity with our position. The Movement

of Non-Aligned Countries supported it at Jakarta and

reaffirmed that support at Cartagena. It was also strongly

supported by the Arab Summit at Cairo. The Organization

of African Unity has repeatedly supported it, from the

1993 Cairo Summit through the latest Summit at

Yaoundé.

When the three countries were confronted by these

positions, which confirmed the firm conviction that Libya

has indeed responded to the requirements of Security

Council resolutions, they started to drag other issues far

removed from the dispute and its context. Both Britain

and the United States are trying to evade responsibility

for fabricating the problem. They have been attempting to

depict the dispute as one between Libya and the

21

international community. Is this not a reversal of the facts?

How can the dispute be one between Libya and the

international community, when international support is

increasing daily for the Libyan position? This support is

embodied in the support of regional and international

organizations, the population of whose members exceeds

two thirds of the world’s population.

Those two Governments have now come up with a

new lie. They say that Libya is defying international

legality. The facts totally refute this. Libya is one of the

countries most committed to international law. Proof of this

is its implementation of the verdict of the International

Court of Justice in its territorial dispute with Chad, even

though this was not in our favour. Furthermore, officials in

those two countries claim that Libya is not a peace-loving

State. This is another lie. The Jamahiriya is a peace-loving

country. It believes in peace and practices it. Its role in the

peaceful settlement of disputes between States has been

embodied in its active role in trying to achieve

reconciliation between Sudan and Uganda. It has also been

reflected in its successful efforts at reconciling the

Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front.

Raising what has become known as the Lockerbie

crisis falls within the context of these false allegations and

fabricated accusations. It confirms a fact that we have

stated right from the beginning: that this is a premeditated,

fabricated problem aimed at punishing the Libyan people

for certain principles in which they believe and certain

positions they defend. It is as if those who created this

crisis were not content with the difficulties and pains which

the Libyan people have already suffered at the hands of the

colonialists and the fascists who, on our territory, fought a

war that killed and displaced hundreds of thousands of

Libyans, and planted in their farms and under their homes

millions of land mines which still kill innocent people and

impede Libya’s efforts to protect the environment, combat

desertification, and expand in the fields of economic and

social development.

If the aim behind the fabrication of the crisis was not

to punish us for certain principles we uphold and certain

positions we defend, why did the two countries refuse from

the start to apply the relevant international convention —

the Montreal Convention? Why did they drag the Security

Council into this legal problem, which has nothing

whatsoever to do with its functions? Why did they hasten

to impose sanctions on us only two months after the start

of this crisis? How did these countries accord themselves

the right to participate in the voting on Security Council

resolution 731 (1992), in contravention of Article 27 (3) of

the Charter? Why do the British and American

Governments reject any initiative to settle the dispute by

dialogue and negotiation? What is the justification for

their intransigence in rejecting the proposal of the League

of Arab States that was accepted by Libya? Why do these

States insist on accusing our citizens when new facts have

been uncovered and published in several books and

newspapers refuting their claims and confirming that the

incident was planned by professional intelligence services

to coverup certain suspicious activities? Also, why did

these States push the Security Council to adopt a double

standard, imposing sanctions on Libya under Chapter VII

of the Charter when it did not threaten anybody or in any

way compromise international peace and security. At the

same time, these countries prevented the Security Council

from applying the same Chapter to a major power that

sent hundreds of its war planes to attack our country and

bomb our cities while their residents lay sleeping in their

beds? This same big Power still practises State terrorism

against us, freezing our financial assets and imposing

unilateral sanctions on us, refusing to respond to General

Assembly resolution 41/38, which calls on it to

compensate our people for the losses they suffered as a

result of its brutal aggression against us in April 1986.

The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has sought to settle the

dispute. All it has asked for is that it be settled in

accordance with the principles of the Charter of the

United Nations and the rules of international law. My

country is satisfied because its handling of this crisis was

supported by most countries of the world. And here I

would like to pay tribute to the members of the Non-

Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic

Conference, the Organization of African Unity and the

League of Arab States for their appreciation of our

position and their understanding of our earnestness in

seeking a quick and just solution. In particular, we would

like to thank members of the Security Council who

appreciated our response, tried to do us justice and sought

to lift the unjust sanctions imposed on us.

The magnitude of the suffering of the Libyan people

under the sanctions has been detailed in document

S/1996/717. Suffice it to say that the sanctions have so

far resulted in the deaths of 3,340 persons in road

accidents. More than 12,000 persons have suffered serious

permanent injuries because of these accidents. Moreover,

the sanctions have cost more than $18 billion in material

losses.

There is no excuse for condoning such injustice, and

the continuation of this injustice is wrong. Most countries

22

of the world have repeated their calls for an accelerated

solution of the Lockerbie crisis, in accordance with

international laws and conventions. The Jamahiriya has

accepted that. The obstacle lies in the blind intransigence

and illogical demands of the American and British

Governments. Should the two Governments persist in their

uncompromising positions, refuse to settle the dispute in a

spirit of justice and fairness, and relieve the suffering our

people have endured for more than four years, the only

thing left to the Libyan people would be to appeal to those

in this forum with clean consciences to intensify their

efforts in order to expose the unjust practices exercised by

the United States and Britain to extend the duration of the

blockade imposed on a small people. Members of this

Assembly should implement the decisions taken by the

Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned

Movement in Cartagena, by the Arab Heads of State at the

Cairo summit and by the African Heads of State in the

Yaoundé summit not to continue compliance with the

sanctions resolutions. They should also consider possible

ways of sparing the Libyan people more losses if the

western countries persist in rejecting initiatives for a

peaceful solution.

The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya attaches the utmost

importance to the establishment of security and the

enhancement of cooperation in the Mediterranean region. It

reaffirms its conviction that stability in this area will be

realized only through an end to military exercises in the

Mediterranean, the closure of foreign military bases, the

withdrawal of foreign fleets and the development of a

sound formula, refuting the policy of exclusion, that would

enable the Mediterranean countries to contribute to the

enhancement of their security and the promotion of

cooperation. By virtue of its distinct location in that region

and the stability it enjoys, the Jamahiriya can play an

important role in strengthening security in the

Mediterranean by reducing migration from the southern

coastal States to the North and the elimination of

destructive movements that exploit and have been

repudiated by Islam for undermining the stability of a

number of littoral countries of the Mediterranean. The

Jamahiriya would be able to play a bigger role in these

fields if the sanctions imposed on it were lifted and external

attempts to undermine its security and stability were to

stop.

My country supports the non-proliferation of nuclear

weapons as a prelude to prohibiting and destroying all

weapons of mass destruction. We welcome the international

treaties and conventions concluded with a view to

controlling these destructive weapons and their ultimate

elimination. In particular, my country welcomes the

conclusion of the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone

Treaty. However, we believe that other measures should

be taken to guarantee the total eradication of weapons of

mass destruction, including a timetable for the destruction

of these weapons. It is necessary to take drastic and

punitive measures with regard to a major nuclear power

that transported nuclear material to its own territory and

still procrastinates in disposing of it under international

supervision. It is also highly important to formulate an

international instrument guaranteeing the security and

safety of non-nuclear States. The Comprehensive Nuclear-

Test-Ban Treaty recently approved by the General

Assembly falls short of the aspirations of the peoples of

the world to a total ban on all nuclear tests. As

formulated, the Treaty merely perpetuates the status quo.

It could even pre-empt efforts aimed at achieving a world

totally free from nuclear terror. In the context of other

steps that should be taken to eliminate nuclear weapons,

it is essential to take serious international measures to

guarantee the universality of the Treaty on the Non-

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

The Jamahiriya has a special interest in this question

because the region in which we live is greatly threatened

by the fact that the Israelis possess terrifying nuclear

weapons with over 200 nuclear warheads. They also have

nuclear facilities that they refuse to place under

international control. What adds to our concern is the fact

that, in addition to the Israeli nuclear terror which

threatens the lives of the residents of Arab cities and

villages every day, a major nuclear Power not only turns

a blind eye to this terror, but even works to develop and

enhance it. This same major Power threatens any Arab

country, even if it was merely building a pharmaceutical

product factory under the pretext of saving the world

from chemical weapons.

The existence of the Israeli nuclear arsenal cannot be

taken lightly or condoned. If the international community

is truly keen to ensure the security and stability of our

region, it should take measures to guarantee Israel’s

accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons and the placing of their nuclear

facilities under the International Atomic Energy Agency’s

safeguards system. There must also be a timetable for

dismantling their nuclear stockpiles. Should the failure to

force Israel to do that continue, it would be legitimate for

the countries in the area to acquire, in self-defence, means

to guarantee their safety and enable them to face the

Israeli nuclear threat to their very existence.

23

The world has witnessed colossal changes. If we are

to adapt to these changes, we must restructure the United

Nations to make it better able to respond to international

needs and to meet the interests and wishes of Member

States.

My country has followed the negotiations aimed at

strengthening the United Nations system and at reforming

the Security Council. We believe that this process, pursued

by Member States for some time now, should be

accelerated and concluded, resulting in measures that could

enhance the powers of the General Assembly, including on

matters of international peace and security.

We urge that the negotiations lead to steps that would

enable the Security Council better to carry out its mandate,

in conformity with the principles and purposes of the

Charter. Any increase in the membership of the Security

Council should be based not on a selective approach, but on

the principles of the sovereign equality of States and

equitable geographic distribution, taking into consideration

the interests of the developing countries that constitute the

majority of United Nations Member States. The veto

privilege, which has become the focus of interest of most

countries, should be at the core of the reform process.

There is no longer any justification for maintaining this

privilege. The new international arena needs a democratic

Security Council, not one in which the few enjoy

discriminatory rights. My country, which has been in the

forefront of those calling for the abrogation of the veto

power, once again urges that the measures aimed at

reforming the Security Council include arrangements

ultimately leading to the elimination of this privilege, which

contradicts the principle of sovereign equality of States and

also runs counter to democracy. Preserving it would impede

the Organizations’s efforts to maintain and preserve

international peace and security.

The world cannot be secure until its economic

problems and development are addressed. Looking at the

international scene, we find that the economies and level of

growth of most developing countries continue to languish.

It is no exaggeration to state that these conditions may

deteriorate further if effective measures are not taken to

reverse them. The Charter of the United Nations is

anchored on two basic pillars: the maintenance of

international peace and security and international

cooperation for economic and social development. The

close connection between the two pillars requires the United

Nations to strive to achieve both equally.

We believe that no sound international economic

environment can be possible without a true world

partnership for development. This requires that North-

South dialogue be resumed and that the developing

countries be enabled to participate effectively in making

decisions affecting international economic conditions. In

this context, commitments for promoting development in

developing countries should be undertaken in a realistic

manner that would end trade protectionism against the

exports of developing countries, lift restrictions on the

transfer of technology to them and ensure the payment of

remunerative prices for their commodities.

It is essential that special priority be given to the

economic situation in Africa and to the implementation of

the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of

Africa in the 1990s. The western countries have a moral

duty to help end underdevelopment in Africa, given the

continent’s suffering under colonialism, when its wealth

was plundered by these countries, which stole its natural

resources and denied it opportunities for development and

progress.

As part of the efforts of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya

in the areas of economic development, environmental

protection, expansion of agrarian reform and the provision

of drinking water, the Libyan people, in the midst of their

joy at the start of the twenty-eighth year of the 1

September revolution, have celebrated the conclusion of

the second phase of the Great Man-Made River Project,

whose waters have reached the city of Tripoli, where

there is a dense population and arable land. The Libyan

people have realized this achievement despite the ongoing

embargo and the coercive economic practices imposed on

it for over a decade. These measures were recently

tightened by a law whose provisions are applicable to the

companies of States that deal with us. This constitutes a

flagrant violation of the purposes of the Charter of the

United Nations and an intentional disregard for the rules

of international law. It is also a clear contradiction of the

Agreement establishing the World Trade Organization.

My country has followed with keen interest the

reactions of anger and denunciation following the

enactment of that law. We would like to express our

satisfaction at the inclusion of an item on this matter on

the General Assembly’s agenda for this session. We hope

that member States will discuss this question, study it

carefully and ultimately adopt a measure to thwart this

law, through which the United States of America is

attempting to impose its laws on the international

community. This Assembly should take the necessary

24

effective measures to end all coercive economic

arrangements being imposed on a number of developing

countries, in implementation of the General Assembly

resolutions prohibiting any country from enacting extra-

territorial laws or resorting to coercive measures to force

another country to relinquish the exercise of its sovereign

rights.

The next century is but a few years away. Before it

begins, all the members of the international community

should use the remaining time to eliminate all remnants of

recent decades, which were characterized by tension and

confrontation. As we enter the third millennium, we should

live in a world governed by a system based on justice,

equality and respect for the political and economic choices

of peoples. Such a system should embody full commitment

to international law and the principles and purposes of the

United Nations. It must protect and enhance human rights

and strengthen efforts aimed at eradicating poverty,

suffering, discord, conflicts, disputes and wars. It should be

a system in which no country can aspire to hegemony or

abuse its influence, a system that supports the peaceful

settlement of disputes. It should give all peoples the

opportunity to look to the future with optimism.

The United Nations remains the most valid forum and

the best tool for building a world consensus in this respect.

Let us reform and strengthen this Organization so that it

will be able to meet these requirements, all of which

emanate from its aims and purposes — the establishment of

peace and security, and the promotion of economic and

social development in the interests of progress, welfare and

prosperity for future generations.