Kenya, 1969

138. Madam President, it is

with particular pleasure that I extend to you our warm

congratulations and greetings on your election to the high

office of the Presidency of the twenty-fourth session of the

General Assembly. My delegation is naturally proud that an

African is presiding over this important session of the

Assembly. That this African should be an illustrious

daughter of Africa marks this event as indeed historic. My

delegation is confident that under your able and experienced

leadership the twenty-fourth session of the Assembly

will make significant progress towards the realization of the

ideals of the United Nations Charter.

139. I should also like to express my delegation’s deep

regret at the passing away of our last President, His

Excellency Mr. Emilio Arenales. He served his country,

Guatemala, well and as President of the twenty-third

session of the Assembly he received the admiration of all

delegations for the tireless manner in which he conducted

the proceedings of the General Assembly. Guatemala in

particular and the international community in general have

lost a man of wide experience and ability. His absence in

our midst leaves a gap which will be felt for a long time.

140. I should like to thank you, Madam President, for

your kind words of sympathy to the Government and

people of Kenya regarding the recent tragic death of our

late Minister for Economic Planning and Development,

Mr. Tom Mboya. We also thank all those delegations that

have expressed similar sentiments, both in this forum and

outside.

141. As we start this new session of the Assembly, we

have no cause for rejoicing. The perennial problems that

beset us last year are still with us today; some of those

questions have actually become worse. It is to African

questions that I should like to turn first.

142. In Rhodesia, South Africa, Angola, Mozambique,

Guinea (Bissau) and Namibia, the totalitarian and fascist

régimes are tightening their stranglehold over the defenceless

majority of Africans. We are in fact witnesses to a

tragedy of rare dimensions being played out before our very eyes.

143. The Government of Kenya has consistently condemned

all forms of discrimination and exploitation,

whether on grounds of religion, colour, class or creed. We

believe that this is an era of interdependence and international

co-operation and goodwill. We regard racialism as the

antithesis to those ideals, and prejudicial to international

peace and security. The régimes that foster and nourish the

concept of racial superiority will live to regret their action,

because the world is moving towards integration, not

segregation, towards non-racialism, not racialism, towards

understanding and co-operation, not intolerance and isolation.

The régimes in southern Africa are unwittingly doing

themselves a great disservice. Rather than defending

time-honoured values of civilization, they are snuffing them out

and dangerously generating racial wars in southern Africa.

144. By the illegal extension of its régime to the Territory

of Namibia in defiance of the General Assembly’s resolution

of 27 October 1966 [2145 (XXI)], terminating its

Mandate over that Territory, South Africa is guilty of a

betrayal of trust. Its continued violation of the resolution

therefore constitutes an act of illegal occupation. So far,

Security Council resolution 269 (1969), of 12 August

1969, calling on South Africa to withdraw its administration

by 4 October 1969, has not been implemented. The

Security Council must therefore take effective measures to

meet that challenge.

145. The illegal annexation of Namibia by the Pretoria

fascist régime is an open challenge to this august body. It

must therefore be faced and eradicated at all costs. When

once fascism under Hitler and Mussolini threatened Europe,

the major Powers set aside all their ideological differences

and fought against it to victory. Today, fascist régimes in

South Africa, Angola, Mozambique and Namibia are preventing

any wind of change. My delegation, therefore,

appeals to this Organization to rise in unity and set Africa

free. It is thus imperative that Security Council resolution

269 (1969) of 12 August 1969 is implemented, not only to

eliminate fascism from Namibia, but also to prevent its

expansion to neighbouring countries.

146. Meanwhile, the racist régime of Pretoria continues to

pursue its policy of apartheid against all the 15,170,000

non-Europeans, in defiance of the conscience of mankind.

That policy is being implemented with increased ruthlessness

and impunity. The United Nations has constantly

condemned this atrocious practice as a flagrant disregard of

the principles of the United Nations Charter and the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We should no

longer take comfort in resolutions and verbal condemnations.

We believe that now is the time for all of us to throw

our weight behind the forces of freedom and justice.

147. My Government has been profoundly disturbed by

the recent events in Zimbabwe. We have ceaselessly

condemned the illegal and terrorist régime of Ian Smith

since his unilateral declaration of independence in November

1965. Kenya neither recognizes the referendum nor any

Other device to which that régime might resort in its Vain

and desperate bid to legitimize itself. It is our contention

that no constitutional trickery by a certain European

minority in Rhodesia can erase the stamp of illegality that

has been imprinted on it by the entire world.

148. As regards the selective mandatory sanctions against

Rhodesia, the whole world has been doubtful about their

efficacy. The international community was led to believe

that it would be a matter of weeks before the rebels were

brought to their knees. Today the weeks have run into

months and months into years.

149. The scheme of sanctions was sabotaged by the

collusion of South Africa and Portugal, which decided to

help the rebel régime on condition that they should have

strategic military bases, be guaranteed an outlet for

European population and unlimited use of all potential

resources in that area. The United Kingdom has issued a

guarantee to Ian Smith that Britain will never lift a finger

against the Europeans out there. It is evident that the

sanctions can be effective only if they are applied to both

South Africa and Portugal and are scrupulously observed by

all Members of this august body.

150. The situation in Rhodesia has reached a crucial point.

Smith is on the threshold of declaring the colony of

Rhodesia a republic for the 400,000 Europeans, and will

soon start lobbying for a seat for the representation of

those Europeans in this very Assembly. My Government

insists that the principle of “No independence before

majority rule” should be adhered to and implemented. We

continue to hold Britain legally, morally and politically

responsible for the fate of the 4,410,000 African people in

Zimbabwe. We believe that there is still an opportunity for

Britain, as the administering colonial Power, to take the

necessary action and to translate its de jure authority into a

living reality. It has done that in other parts of Africa; why

not in Rhodesia?

151. Portugal, through its outmoded colonialism, stubbornly

persists in calling the territories of Angola, Mozambique

and Guinea (Bissau) its overseas provinces. This is a

fiction to hoodwink the world by pretentious claims to

what is, and will always remain, an integral part of Africa.

Portugal on its own has proved unable to maintain peace in

those territories, let alone develop them. After all, why is it

that the 13 million inhabitants of Angola, Mozambique and

Guinea (Bissau) are not here with us today as Members of

this Organization? The obvious answer is that the NATO

countries are in collusion with Portugal to barter African

freedom and the right of self-determination for short-lived

economic benefits.

152. We appeal to Portugal and its NATO allies to cease

suppressing and frustrating the African struggle for independence

in human dignity and to set Angola, Mozambique

and Guinea (Bissau) free.

153. In this regard, and as a manifestation of the goodwill

of the African States, the Organization of African Unity, at

its sixth session, recently adopted the Lusaka Manifesto

on Southern Africa, to promote liberation and co-operation

in southern Africa. It is our ardent hope therefore that that

historic manifesto will inspire Portugal, South Africa and

their allies to work for freedom and dignity not only in

southern Africa but throughout the world.

154. I should like to turn to the Middle East, an area

which is currently trapped in a cycle of human conflict and

suffering. Our contacts with this area date from ancient

times. It is therefore out of a sense of deep sadness that we

see the spectacle of great fierce fighting engulfing our

friends there.

155. Commendable peace efforts have been initiated since

the war of June 1967. The Security Council adopted the

resolution of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)], which was

intended to be actually a basis of settlement. It is most

disappointing that the resolution has not been implemented.

The Jarring mission, which was entrusted to bring

a dialogue, peace and conciliation to the Middle East, has

not achieved any concrete results. The talks between the

“big four” Powers in New York, and all the other efforts,

though covering important ground, have not been successful.

The policy of the Government of Kenya remains

unchanged: the achievement of a peaceful settlement on

the basis of the Security Council resolution of 22 November

1967. Kenya welcomes any constructive effort intended.

to bring about immediate peace and stability in the Middle East.

156. As regards Viet-Nam, my Government’s policy

equally remains one of negotiated political settlement

under which, without external interference, the people of

Viet-Nam as a whole would determine their destiny.

Although there are some hopeful developments, like the

Paris peace talks and the phased withdrawal of troops from

the theatre of war, heavy fighting and human suffering

continue. My delegation believes that this withdrawal of

troops is a constructive effort towards peace and it hopes

that such efforts will be pursued and continued until lasting

peace is restored to Viet-Nam.

157. It is indeed disturbing to realize that although this

international body is just about to celebrate its twenty-fifth

anniversary, we have not even begun to disarm. All the

measures that have so far been taken appear to be designed

to freeze an existing situation—that is, to maintain the

status quo in the level of armaments. An important aspect

of this “freezing” stage of disarmament is the cessation of

underground nuclear tests. This would be a major step in

slowing the arms race. In this regard my delegation would

like to pay special tribute to the determined and sustained

efforts of the Government of Sweden in seeking an

honourable and acceptable formula that would permit the

cessation of underground testing. The indication of

co-operation by the Governments of the United States, the

Soviet Union and the United Kingdom in the exchange of

seismic data is a significant step forward. We appeal to the

big Powers to re-examine their attitude so that a comprehensive

test-ban treaty may be concluded during the

twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations.

158. Needless to say, the United Nations Development

Programme has been an important channel of international

co-operation. We in Kenya should like to register our

appreciation of the assistance we have received and are still

receiving under this Programme; and in response to the

Secretary-General’s appeal, the Kenya Government has

decided to increase its annual contribution to the United

Nations Development Programme.

159. On the question of relationships between some

United Nations bodies concerned with economic development,

I should like to say that when the Economic

Commission for Africa was established in 1958, the

majority of African: countries were still colonial and thus

could not contribute substantially concerning decisions

which affected their economic destiny. Today, the majority

of African States are free and would like to feel that the

Economic Commission for Africa is given the respect and

recognition it deserves. Since the whole United Nations

family of organizations is working towards the same goal,

the highest premium should be attached to consultation

and co-operation within the family.

160. The Economic Commission for Africa has now come

of age. It possesses an accumulation of specialized knowledge

of the material and human problems of the African

region which should, we feel, be fully utilized. The scope of

its activity, as presently constituted, is indeed limited.

Kenya therefore supports the proposal for the designation

of the Commission as a participating and executing agency

for certain UNDP activities.

161. Like other Governments, we recognize that the

development of our country is primarily the responsibility

of our people. We shall be the principal beneficiaries and, in

the long run, we must expect to bear the greater part of the

burden. Hence our heavy reliance on self-help schemes. In

order to close the gap between ourselves and the rich

countries, we shall need more than words from the

developed countries, whose response has been slow in

coming.

162. In spite of the recommendations of the second

session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and

Development, the flow of financial resources from the

rich countries has not increased. The minimum target of

1 per cent of gross national product to be transferred to the

poor countries remains largely a mirage, in spite of

increased gross national product in developed countries. Of

equal importance is the question of better terms and

conditions for the transfer of finance, for unfavourable

terms could very easily cancel out any apparent increase in

the volume of finance transferred. Unless we all change our

attitude, the outlook for the transfer of financial resources

is anything but encouraging.

163. “Trade not aid” has been a popular slogan for quite a

while, and we from the developing countries have placed

maximum emphasis on better trading opportunities since

the first session of UNCTAD. We have in the main pleaded

for easier access of primary commodities to markets of the

developed countries and, as assistance to our very young

industries, the granting of preferences, for imports of our

manufactured goods and processed agricultural products.

Actually, my delegation feels strongly that what the

developing countries need is both trade and aid.

164. With this in view, the question of synthetic substitutes

which have seriously affected the economy of

developing countries as producers of primary agricultural

commodities must be re-examined. Synthetics have been

growing in both number and quality and have become a

dangerous threat to producers of primary products, for

example synthetic cocoa, rubber, fibres, pyrethruim, etc.

For us in Kenya, the most immediate threat concerns sisal

and pyrethrum. We know that a wide range of products are

subject to extensive research in the sophisticated laboratories

of industrial countries. While not wishing to put a

brake on the march of science and technology, we feel that

it is incumbent upon us to call into question the great

extent of synthetic production. They not only hurt us; they

are beginning to strangle us and are gradually removing our

economic interdependence. My delegation, therefore,

appeals for a programme of international co-operation to be

instituted in order to accelerate the diversification of the

economies of the developing countries.

165. The time is now long overdue for reviewing the

structure, powers and procedures of the United Nations.

After 24 years, during which the membership of the United

Nations has more than doubled, it is necessary to review the

machinery and procedures for implementing the purposes

and principles of the Charter. Article 109 of the Charter in

fact provided for a general conference to review the Charter

after 10 years, but unfortunately this was never held. It

would indeed be fitting, as we celebrate the twenty-fifth

anniversary of the United Nations, that such a review

should be undertaken to see how the Charter could better

meet the hopes and aspirations of humanity in a rapidly

changing world. In this connexion, it is necessary that the

Statute of the International Court of Justice should also be

reviewed, particularly with a view to affording a fair and

equitable distribution of seats on the Court, if the Court is

to reflect correctly an over-all juridical point of view.

166. I wish to reiterate the faith of the Government and

people of Kenya in the United Nations. Though admittedly

not perfect, it does represent mankind’s only hope and

opportunity to evolve an international order based on

peace, co-operation and justice. As we prepare to enter the

twenty-fifth year, let us all rededicate ourselves to true

allegiance to the United Nations Charter and all that it

symbolizes for mankind.

167. I should like to conclude by saying that we should

collectively appeal to the Governments of South Africa and

Portugal, as we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the

United Nations, to come with us as trusted Members and

not as enemies of the very justice that we are fighting for.