Jamaica, 1982

I should like to begin by extending sincere congratulations to you,

Sir, on your election to the presidency of this session of the

General Assembly. I feel certain that the experience and knowledge

you have acquired in the course of a brilliant career will enable you

to guide the proceedings of the Assembly with all the skill required

in these troubled times. I should also like to express our sincere

gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who deserves our praise

for the dedication and skill with which he carried out his duties

over the past year, which was a particularly challenging time for the

United Nations. This is the first opportunity I have had publicly to

congratulate Mr. Perez de Cuellar on his appointment as Secretary

General. In his first year in office he has made an impressive

beginning which gives encouragement and hope that during his tenure

the United Nations will make greater strides towards the full

attainment of its purposes and objectives. The current session of the

General Assembly is being held against the background of an alarming

deterioration of the international situation, characterized by global

confrontation, military intervention, foreign occupation, a spiraling

of the arms race, and the frequent resort to the use or threat of the

use of force against the sovereignty, political independence and

territorial integrity of States all of this in the midst of a deep

global economic recession. A review of the agenda for this the thirty

seventh session of the General Assembly points to a growing number of

items dealing with unresolved crises, and an alarming increase in the

outbreaks of fresh hostilities. It is not without ironic significance

that it is precisely the smaller, underdeveloped and economically

more vulnerable countries of the third world, currently being

buffeted by the effects of global economic recession, which art At

the same time the focal points of tension and conflict, particularly

in the Middle East, southern Africa, Asia, as well as Latin America

and the Caribbean. For the most part these conflicts have been

intensified and made worse by the intrusion of super Power

confrontation, and as a consequence of flagrant disregard the

principles of the Charter and the by passing of the United Nations as

the proper forum within which to seek a peaceful settlement of

disputes. Recent events in the Middle East, culminating in the

abominable massacre in the Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut, have

shattered some long held illusions. But the military prowess of the

Israelis has not destroyed the basic fact. That basic fact is that no

lasting peace and stability is possible unless the fundamental right

of the Palestinian people to statehood is satisfied. Jamaica holds

firmly to that view. Equally, we believe that all States in the area

are entitled to exist within their internationally recognized

boundaries. We note that important initiatives have been taken by the

Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez, and by the President of the

United States, Ronald Reagan, to try to give a new impetus for a

settlement of the Middle East problems. It is clear that there are

many obstacles ahead, but it is noteworthy that there is now at least

a common factor, and that common factor is a recognition that the

Palestinian people have rights which have to be satisfied. Jamaica

recognizes that the forthcoming United Nations Conference on

Palestine could have an important bearing on the settlement of the

problems of the region. The Conference output to be substantially

more than an exchange of views. It should try to make specific and

realistic recommendations which would be helpful in the peace making

process. In fact, we are tempted to suggest that the issues with

which it is dealing and the international climate are such that the

Conference ought to be held earlier. It is clear that the

circumstances which gave rise to the need for a conference, and the

assumptions on which its convening was based, have been largely

overtaken by events. Its importance and its usefulness, therefore,

will depend upon itsability to seize the propitious signs. The United

Nations must not cease in its efforts to find a formula for cessation

of hostilities in various parts of the world. We wish to draw

particular attention to the war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic

of Iran which has been going on for two years now and which has

already taken thousands of lives, and left thousands more wounded,

and we join in the pleas to both parties to end the conflict.

Similarly the pivotal roles of the non aligned movement and the OAU

in the anti colonial struggle and in the quest for peace, detente and

disarmament must continue. The events in the Middle East and other

areas demonstrate the failure to enable the peace keeping mechanisms

of the United Nations to function as intended. They also underscore

the need for more systematic and imaginative use of the Security

Council to monitor areas of potentially dangerous conflict. Over the

years the practice of the permanent members has inexorably expanded

the range of their interest and has brought so many minor areas of

tension under the umbrella of their perceived interest that the

collective security system has broken down. It has to be noted that

too often the permanent members of the Security Council resort to use

of the veto with scant regard for the overall interests of the

international community, and in disregard of their own obligation to

maintain international peace and security. The institutional marriage

of the nineteenth century concept of the Concert of Europe with the

concept of collective security implicit in the Security Council, has

not worked in the interests of the international community. Something

has to be done to remedy this situation; I congratulate the Secretary

General on his departure from recent practice by presenting to the

members of the Assembly a brief, easily read, and challenging

invitation that they should pause and consider the state of the

Organization and decide to do something about its shortcomings. The

Secretary General's report on the work of the Organization [/37/V] is

a direct challenge of the most profound kind addressed to every

member of this body. To the Security Council as a whole, it is a

challenge to recognize how far we have departed in practice from

standards which were contemplated and set for us by its founders. The

report is equally a challenge to every Member. State to think again

about the readiness with which we have been prepared to accept that

the whole United Nations must remain flouted, ignored and powerless,

if the Security Council, whose main responsibility is the

preservation of international peace and security, is unable to act.

Jamaica maintains that the entire United Nations collective security

system should not remain hamstrung and powerless because the Security

Council is deadlocked. In the name of my Government, I renew

Jamaica's commitment to the provisions of the Charter. Jamaica

endorses the suggestion that a workable system of collective security

should be reintroduced. We solemnly commit ourselves to the search

for such a process and to the effective implementation of any useful

measures which may be found so as to restore to the Security Council

an effective capacity to discharge its responsibility for the

maintenance of peace. We urge that a meeting of the Council should be

called before the end of this session of the Assembly, which should

be attended at the very highest levels, and which will deal with the

effectiveness of the Security Council in discharging its

responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and

security. We further urge that the General Assembly should assign the

subject of the Secretary General's report on the work of the

Organization to a Main Committee at this session, in which the Member

States would actively consider the implication of the Secretary

General's report, and the action they might take when the Security

Council is unable to act. Another subject of urgent concern is that

of Namibia. The movement towards independence for Namibia continues

to be slow, notwithstanding the hints from the contact group that

progress has been made. South Africa continues to block effective

action. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must be fully

implemented. Jamaica does not share the view that the independence of

Namibia should be linked to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from

Angola. The two are separate issues and must be dealt with

separately. We condemn South Africa's continued military aggression

and campaigns of destabilization against Angola and the other front

line States. In South Africa Itself, the policy of continues to be

more deeply entrenched every day. All the internal institutional

changes point in the direction of a further entrenchment of this

abhorrent system. Yet we are told that sanctions are inappropriate in

this case, while there are exhortations to apply them elsewhere;

alleged forced labour is decried elsewhere, while the brutal

treatment of the entire black population of South Africa is glossed

over or excused. The criteria used to assess the problems of black

people are always different, and a failure to apply the same

standards is always clothed in specious excuses and sophistry. We

cannot allow this degrading situation to continue. Jamaica deeply

regrets that the recent second special session of the General

Assembly devoted to disarmament failed to achieve any significant

results, particularly as regards a comprehensive programme of

disarmament. This is a major disappointment. The world community had

expected much from this special session, particularly at a time when

many States are embarking on dangerous rearmament programmes which

they mistakenly believe will enhance their security. They must be

made to realize that this absurd and perilous escalation of the arms

race in both the nuclear and the conventional field consumes valuable

resources which could more profitably be spent on economic and social

development, particularly in developing countries, to correct the

neglected problems which are the root cause of the struggles in the

various regions. It is estimated that some $500 billion are being

spent annually on armaments, whereas at the same time, according to

the statistics compiled by the Organization, 450 million people

suffer from hunger or malnutrition; there is an annual infant

mortality rate of 12 million babies who die before their first

birthday; 42 million people are blind, or nearly so; 2 billion people

do not have water that is safe to drink; 250 million people live in

urban slums or shanty towns; 870 million adults cannot read or write;

500 million people have no jobs or are less than fully employed; and

130 million children are unable to attend primary schools. These

statistics frighten us. This is the nature of some of the global

social problems and these are what we want addressed when we say that

money now spent on armaments could be better used for development.

Jamaica hopes that Member States will now take increasing account of

the concern manifested by the masses of people for effective

disarmament measures, and that this will encourage a renewed

commitment to general and complete disarmament. The World Disarmament

Campaign which was approved by the special session, will certainly

contribute to that end. Furthermore, the pledge by two nuclear weapon

States on the non first use of nuclear weapons is also a welcome step

in the right direction, and Jamaica hopes that the remaining nuclear

weapon States will make similar commitments in this regard. In the

midst of all these problems, we cannot ignore that singularly

important achievement of the United Nations, the adoption of the

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on 30 April 1982.

Jamaica is among the developing and developed countries that welcome

this event. The Convention has codified and progressively developed

international law in several important areas, but I cite the

following as its most significant achievements. First, the

proclamation that the area beyond national jurisdiction is the common

heritage of mankind is a significant landmark in the history of

international relations. We believe that the regime which it

establishes for the exploration and exploitation of the natural

resources of the deep sea bed is just and equitable, and will operate

to the mutual advantage of developed and developing countries.

Secondly, the Convention has solved the age old question of the

breadth of the territorial sea by the establishment of an economic

zone of 200 miles, including a territorial sea of 12 miles. It is the

firm view of my Government that the Convention contains a body of

rules on the rights and duties of States which is the law that

governs the uses of the sea. A major achievement of the Conference

which we wish to highlight is the exemplary use in its proceedings of

the device of consensus as a system of decision making. It is indeed

remarkable and commendable that in a Conference in which as many as

150 countries participated and which extended over eight years, the

negotiations were almost entirely conducted and concluded without a

vote being taken. Jamaica has a great sense of pride at having been

selected as the site of the International Sea Bed Authority, of the

Preparatory Commission for the International Sea Bed Authority and

for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and of the

ceremony for the signing of the Convention from 6 to 10 December

1982. I want to assure you that Jamaica is sensitive to the

obligations which go with the conferment of those honours. As you are

aware, the Preparatory Commission comes into being on the signing of

the Convention by 50 States and will commence its work within 90 days

thereafter. It is obviously essential that, consistent with the

programme and objectives of the Preparatory Commission, adequate

provision be made for its effective functioning. That is a

recommendation of the Group of 77 which we fully endorse. We exhort

all States to sign and ratify the Convention as quickly as possible

so that it will enter into force in the shortest possible time. An

early entry into force of the Convention can only operate to the

advantage of all countries, developed and developing, particularly

where it deals with the regime for the exploration and exploitation

of the deep seabed. We would not wish anyone to be left in doubt as

to our view that activities in the international seabed area can take

place lawfully only within the framework established by the

Convention on the Law of the Sea. We hope that no country or group of

countries will engage in actions or adopt measures whose effect will

be to undermine the Convention. We are not only beset by political

turbulence and insecurity; we are confronted once again with a dismal

picture of the world economic situation. The indicators are

discouraging. They demonstrate the further entrenchment of world

recession and stagnation. In 1981 the international economy recorded

a growth of only 1.2 per cent, that is, one third of the rate

achieved in the recession prone decade of the 1970s. For the

developing countries, growth in 1981 was 0.6 per cent, representing a

fall in per capita gross domestic product, which was a novel

experience in the developing world in the post independence period.

My own region, Latin America and the Caribbean traditionally an area

of relatively high growth, has been severely affected. Gross national

product in the region actually declined by 0.4 per cent and per

capita gross national product declined by 2.7 per cent. World trade,

itself a powerful determinant of the pace of economic growth, also

presents a grim picture. Last year, for the first time in nearly two

decades, world trade showed virtually no growth, after a minimal

growth of 1.5 per cent in 1980. The situation is compounded by the

alarming decline of 22.5 per cent in the prices of primary

commodities between January 1981 and June of this year. Developing

countries, notwithstanding the decline in their earnings as a result

of this, are constrained to increase their imports in order to

provide the basic necessities for their populations. The downturn in

global economic activity, as evidenced in the growth and trade

indicators, has caused a worsening in the debt situation and the

prospects for many developing countries. For 1981 the total external

debt for capital importing developing countries was in the area of

$500 billion, an almost threefold increase since the latter half of

the 1970s. The gravity of the debt situation is revealed by a

comparison of certain features in international financing between the

beginning of the 1970s and the present. During that period, the

average debt service ratio of the oil importing developing countries

increased from 8 per cent to 19 per cent. Average maturities on loans

contracted by developing countries fell from 20 to 12.7 years, and

the interest burden on developing countries, measured in relation to

their gross national product, increased four times. This brief

analysis of the global economy is intended to highlight the need for

immediate action if we are to avert the collapse of the international

system. We are all agreed on the necessity to achieve a rate of

economic growth consistent with the aspirations of our peoples and

the requirements for achieving international peace and security. In

seeking to fulfil those objectives, we must make a special appeal to

the developed countries to desist from the application of

protectionist trade policies. The experience of the 1930s has shown

that measures by developed countries to protect sectors in their

economies that have lost their competitive edge in the international

marketplace are self defeating. They serve only to contract

international purchasing power and to generate unemployment in their

own economies as well as in the economies of the developing world

that provide markets for their exports. Jamaica is firm in the view

that the marketplace and work place of the developing world hold the

best solution for reflation without inflation. The unsatisfied and

growing demands of the consumer market and the unsatisfied and

growing capabilities of the work forces of a growing number of

developing countries need only the catalyst of expanded credit

resources to fuel an expansion of trade through export led growth.

Jamaica commends for the consideration of the Assembly the essential

features of our Prime Minister's presentation on this subject at the

joint World Bank and International Monetary Fund meeting in Toronto

in September. There Jamaica emphasized the urgency of introducing

emergency measures which would be immediately implemented to assist

those member countries which are on the brink of collapse and

reinvigorate international trade and investment. Jamaica considers

that the Fund's Eighth general Review of Quotas provides a good

opportunity to create credit as a means of trade expansion.

Accordingly we support the early conclusion of the review of quotas

in 1983 as called for by both the Intergovernmental Group of 24 on

International Monetary Affairs and the Interim Committee of the Board

of Governors on the International Monetary System. We fully support

also the need for selective allocations and a substantial increase of

quotasóan increase which in our view should not be less than 50 per

cent. Jamaica is of the view that increased liquidity for trade

expansion could also be accomplished by the expansion of trade

credits, utilizing excess liquidity in the commercial banking system

accumulated through the increased savings resulting from current anti

inflationary strategies. As practice has developed, these savings are

likely to be available only for short term financing. The concern of

commercial banks about current levels of credit exposure to

developing countries indicates that an intermediary to trigger a

meaningful flow of these under utilized resources may be necessary.

One such intermediary mechanism already exists in the Bank's lending

programme, through an export development fund for export trade

credit. With appropriate modifications this mechanism could fulfil

the purpose of a ready and available instrument to mobilize ready and

available resources to be utilized by ready and available productive

capacities, to expand trade, growth and employment on a basis

consistent with the objectives of the adjustment process. The

financial dislocations brought about by the global energy situation

continue to inhibit the search fbr economic stability within the oil

importing developing countries. The development of non conventional

sources of energy must therefore remain a priority. Jamaica looks

forward to the report on the progress made by the Interim Committee

on New and Renewable Sources of Energy on the implementation of the

Nairobi Programme of Action fbr the Development of New and Renewable

Sources of Energy. Jamaica is concerned that the effectiveness of the

World Bank in the development process could be eroded, as evidenced

in the obstacles being placed in the way of establishing an energy

affiliate to support an expanded programme for energy investment. I

have focused on a few of the elements inhibiting the economic growth

of developing countries and hence of the global economy. It should

now be obvious to all that the issues are so closely interrelated as

to necessitate a coherent and integrated approach to deal with them.

No one should at this stage find it useful to argue in favour of

separating the concerns of the North from those of the South. The

crisis in the international economy and the measure of collective

fears are reflected in the concerns which all countries, including

those with surpluses, have regarding the world wide balance of

payments situation. The concern of the Assembly must, however, go

beyond simple accounting indices. We must be aware of the

implications of such indices for the quality of life of those we have

the honour to represent. The global economic recession's net effect

on them is increasing unemployment brought about by the weakening in

the world demand for goods and services. High levels of unemployment

now threaten the social and political order in both the North and the

South. In the developing world, unemployment levels of up to 30 per

cent are not unusual. Vast sectors of young and courageous

populations have never had the chance to secure gainful employment.

The employed live daily under the threat of loss of jobs because of

the decline in the prices of primary products, because of

bankruptcies and closure of factories and other productive

operations. These are brought about by the effects of economic

recession transmitted through the network of international economic

linkages. We have throughout the years debated priorities from the

perspectives of the North and the South and accommodation of what we

have perceived as our just aspirations. I submit that we must now

face up to the global priority. We must bring to bear our

intellectual capacity and our political authority to halt the global

economic recession and correspondingly to induce growth and

development internationally. This calls fbr all of us, rich and poor,

to recognize the basic reality of the 1980s, and that basic reality

is the force of global interdependence. A few years ago the concept

of interdependence was the basis fbr interesting but largely semantic

debates. Today interdependence is an inescapable reality. The

proposed global round of negotiations, which has been under

consideration for the past three years, must now be recognized as

offering the best prospect of bringing about the changes required to

establish an economic system which can fulfil the aspirations of our

time. Jamaica hopes that the sense of realism which has been shown by

the developing countries on this issue will be reciprocated by the

North in order to facilitate the commencement of global negotiations

in early 1983. The establishment of the necessary framework must be

concluded by this thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. Our

obligations to each other derive from our interdependence. We simply

cannot live without one another. The recognition of that fact must

constantly mould our actions so as to bring about a peaceful, just

and prosperous world. That is Jamaica's objective.