Jamaica, 1999

On behalf of the delegation

of Jamaica I extend to you, Sir, our congratulations on your

election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its

fifty-fourth session. You and your country, Namibia, are

graduates of the United Nations, steeped in its principles,

faithful to its causes and committed to its goals. We have

full confidence that your leadership will continue to guide

us this session in the adoption of constructive decisions

which will serve to strengthen the role of the Organization

in world affairs.

We express our appreciation to the outgoing President,

Mr. Didier Opertti, Minister for Foreign Affairs of

Uruguay, for his outstanding work in conducting the

business of our last session. We congratulate the

Secretary-General for his report (A/54/1) outlining the

activities of the Organization over the past year and

containing his vision for its future work.

Jamaica welcomes the three States that this year have

joined the membership of the United Nations: the Republic

of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of

Tonga. Their presence will enrich our deliberations as

they bring their particular experiences and perspectives to

influence the direction and work of the Organization.

Their admission coincides with the holding of the special

session of the General Assembly on small island

developing States which over the last two days addressed

the particular vulnerabilities of these States, which merit

special attention within the international community.

The three nations we welcome today are also linked

to Jamaica through the Commonwealth of Nations. This

year the Commonwealth celebrates its fiftieth anniversary,

and we salute its achievements in cooperation —

especially in promoting the development objectives of its

membership — including the recent initiatives to address

the special problems of smaller States.

The widening of the gap between rich and poor and

the increasing marginalization of a large number of

developing countries within the world economic

framework are urgent matters demanding the attention of

the international community. The reasons for these trends

are well-known: superior endowments of natural

resources; early advantages in modernizing production

processes; high levels of capital accumulation and

technological development — all have helped consolidate

the dominance of the developed countries in world

production and trade. Countries which started later in the

day will not find it easy to close the gap.

And it is not true that the developing countries have

only themselves to blame. Most of us have implemented

programmes of structural adjustment and stabilization

policies, but we have found that the current orthodoxy of

free markets and a development model based on

liberalization, deregulation and privatization is not providing

the promised benefits in trade and investment flows. There

is evident need to review the prescriptions and to promote

a development policy which takes into greater account the

specific socio-economic context of developing countries and

to devise more equitable arrangements in international

economic relations.

In an interdependent world, the human dimension of

the development equation, especially the growing incidence

of poverty and all its manifestations, must continue to be a

matter of concern to the entire global community. It is

therefore essential that we seek to establish a better

framework for development cooperation and to implement

an agenda for development as a matter of priority within

the United Nations system.

Currently, what we are seeing is a withering of interest

and diminished commitment on the issue of cooperation for

development and a hardening of attitudes in an atmosphere

which preaches competitiveness and the survival of the

fittest. It is clear to us that special arrangements are needed,

not only in relation to special categories of countries, but

also in relation to commodities, where serious problems

would result from the rigorous application of the dogma of

free trade. Regrettably, even where such special

arrangements exist they are under threat.

The challenge to the banana regime established within

the framework of the Lomé Convention and the ruling of

the World Trade Organization (WTO) panel, which has

now led to negotiations for an amended regime, sends a

message which is particularly discouraging and signals the

indifference of some countries to the plight of others. The

end result is not yet determined, but at this time the

economies of some Caribbean States face a danger not just

to their prospects for economic stability and growth, but to

their very survival. Many appeals have been made which

have gone unheeded. More than anything else, the banana

controversy has signified the extent to which the interests

of small producers are at the mercy of those in a position

of dominance in the world economy and world trade.

Another discouraging trend is the diminished

significance and reduced contributions of donor countries in

the area of development cooperation. At a time of the

increasing incidence of poverty and a looming threat of

marginalization, levels of official development assistance

have been steadily decreasing at both the bilateral and the

multilateral levels. In the case of the United Nations

Development Programme (UNDP), technical assistance

has been shrinking, especially over the last five years. In

1994, contributions to UNDP were in the region of $1.1

billion. This has steadily declined to the current level for

this year of $718 million.

We have been supporting initiatives for reform in

order to promote better coordination and greater

efficiency and cost-effectiveness in the delivery of

technical assistance in the operational activities of the

United Nations. What we have seen, however, is that the

reform process seems more directed at generating cost

savings and achieving a pooling of resources without

increasing the quantum of funding available for

development cooperation under the auspices of the United

Nations. The process under way is one of contraction of

United Nations-related development activities at the

country level and a withering-away of the role of the

United Nations in an area of critical importance for

developing countries. The reduced impact of the United

Nations at the country level is already significant and

comes at a time when the needs are greater than ever.

We call for a new commitment to development

cooperation, a new global partnership between the

developed and the developing countries and a new

dialogue to review the policies and principles directing

international economic relations, and for a new

dispensation with regard to policy prescriptions affecting

the development process. Without this, developing

countries will be engulfed in the perils of globalization

with consequences not just for economic welfare, but for

the viability of political structures and social stability.

There are also other, more insidious dimensions of

globalization, especially those which impinge on the

security of States, which we must consider. Within the

growing internationalization of markets facilitated by

improved technology and policies of liberalization, the

spectre of transnational crime has grown to significant

proportions, especially in the illicit trade in narcotics and

small arms. Together, these instruments of death and

destruction represent a significant danger to the internal

security of many countries, fostering criminal activities

which serve to destabilize and corrupt the social order, to

undermine democratic institutions and to increase

lawlessness.

2

We believe that this growing trade in weapons, which

promotes organized crime, terrorist activities and drug

trafficking, requires the urgent attention of the international

community. Jamaica therefore welcomes the arrangements

for the holding of the first international conference on small

arms, which is to take place in the year 2000. We look

forward to this as a good opportunity to develop a

programme for implementation by Member States to control

the scale and distribution of these weapons.

On reviewing the broader issue of international

security, we have to note developments which give rise to

concern and anxiety about the future of the world order and

the role of the United Nations. The Organization should

become engaged wherever international peace is threatened

and where conflicts break out. Although the danger of

global conflict arising from ideological confrontation has

now, in large measure, receded, the world is still full of

threats to peace.

Wars continue to be waged at the regional level,

primarily as a result of regional rivalries and unresolved

territorial disputes. At the national level, ethnic strife and

political divisiveness have continued to fuel internal

conflict, leading to heavy loss of life and economic

disruption and affecting regional stability from the

spill-over of refugees to neighbouring States.

We endorse the Secretary-General's strategy of quiet

diplomacy and urge him to use his influence wherever

possible to forestall the outbreak of conflict and to promote

peace and reconciliation between disputing parties. In

accordance with the principles of national sovereignty, he

will need the cooperation and support of Member States in

his efforts for the maintenance of peace, as delicate

problems can arise in relation to any process of diplomatic

intervention with respect to the role to be undertaken by the

United Nations and appropriate regional organizations.

During the past year, events in the Balkans have raised

profound questions about the principle of intervention, the

use of force, the scale of military enforcement and the role

of the Security Council. The debate on these questions has

revealed differing perspectives, elements of consensus and

varying positions on the applicable principles of

international law. In recent times, we have witnessed

atrocities committed as a result of the practice of ethnic

cleansing as communities rise up against each other to

settle old grievances. We all must continue to condemn

these practices and understand the need for some kind of

action to halt such excesses which violate international

humanitarian norms.

However, the principles of international law affecting

the sovereignty of States and the use of force should not

be brushed aside. We believe in the adoption of an

approach which has the confidence of the international

community whereby diplomatic and any necessary

enforcement action is taken or authorized by the

multilateral institutions entrusted with safeguarding

international peace and security. The Security Council has

the primary responsibility. It should not be ignored and

disregarded in favour of unilateral action on the part of

any State or group of States.

While the situation in the Balkans has dominated

international attention over the past year, more attention

should be given to the situation in Africa, where even

more serious problems have arisen involving ethnic strife

and political turmoil, affecting neighbouring States and

creating humanitarian emergencies. As the

Secretary-General has observed in his report, too little

attention has been given to the conflicts arising in Africa

despite the enormous toll in loss of life and in disruption

and suffering resulting from armed insurgencies and

inter-State conflict. However, we are encouraged by the

process taking place in the West African region affecting

Liberia and Sierra Leone. We must pay tribute to the

work of the Economic Community of West African States

(ECOWAS), which has shouldered the burden of peace-

building in these two States so battered by civil conflict.

We also note with appreciation the efforts of the

Organization of African Unity (OAU) in regard to the

situation in the Great Lakes region and hope that the

Lusaka Agreement will form the basis for reconciliation

and peace. The situation in Angola remains a tragic one

for the country, and the international community should

remain united in support of measures taken against the

UNITA insurgency and to bring an end to the nightmare

which has for so long impeded the progress of that

country.

We are distressed by the continuing problems in the

Horn of Africa. We continue to support regional efforts

towards peacemaking between Ethiopia and Eritrea and

welcome the OAU framework agreement which has been

worked out to assist the parties to reach a settlement. We

urge the Secretary-General to continue to maintain close

contact with the parties in all the areas of tension, with

the aim of promoting peace and stability, and to foster a

spirit of reconciliation so that African States may be able

to concentrate their efforts in confronting the critical

challenges of economic and social development.

3

In the Middle East, while the situation still remains

troublesome, there are some signs of renewed hope with the

revival of the peace process and the emergence of a more

positive climate for making progress towards a settlement.

We welcome the signing of the Sharm el-Sheikh

Memorandum earlier this month and urge the parties to

move towards accommodation, to seek to realize the

legitimate rights of all parties as the basis for a just and

durable peace. The challenge is formidable and the solution

will require statesmanship and courage.

In South-East Asia the outbreak of violence in East

Timor is a matter which has caused deep concern. As there

is an obvious need for ensuring the safety of the inhabitants

of the territory, we fully support the deployment of the

international force which is now in the territory to maintain

order. It is necessary now to contemplate the next step,

which will be to devise arrangements for the political future

of the territory.

In our area of Latin America and the Caribbean there

remain a number of unresolved territorial disputes but our

expectation is that States in our region will use available

mechanisms to resolve such disputes by peaceful means. In

the Caribbean our efforts are directed towards developing

greater integration both within the Caribbean Community

and within the wider ambit of the Association of Caribbean

States, ACS. This is part of our regional effort towards

establishing a regime of peace and cooperation in the

Caribbean Sea. In this regard, I should express our ongoing

concern over the remaining remnants of cold war politics in

our region. The continuation of the embargo against Cuba

is a source of tension and carries the risk of conflict, which

is particularly troubling for neighbouring States. In the

spirit of the friendly relations we enjoy with Cuba and the

United States, we call for dialogue, the normalization of

relations and an end to policies of confrontation and

exclusion.

Small countries have an important interest in ensuring

that peace and stability is a permanent feature of the world

order. In the absence of military power we depend on

diplomacy and on the United Nations and its machinery and

international adherence to its principles to safeguard and

protect those who are militarily weak. It is in our interest

to seek to strengthen and uphold all the multilateral

institutions dedicated to this effort. The Security Council,

which has such an important role in this structure, should

be given the fullest support in meeting its responsibilities.

This is best achieved through the democratic participation

of the United Nations membership in the work of the

Council, which serves to strengthen its effectiveness and to

give it greater credibility within the international system.

Jamaica supports that process and aspires for

membership of the Council for a two-year period

beginning next year. We do so out of a motivation to

make our contribution as a small State in the management

of international peace and security. We are driven by a

strong commitment to multilateralism and to upholding

the principles of the Charter and by a determination to

exercise a careful and balanced judgement in relation to

all issues affecting peace and security which may come

before us. It will be our goal to assist the Security

Council to work effectively and to act decisively. We will

seek to involve the broader membership in its

consultations and to influence the discharge of the

Council's responsibilities with fairness and with full

respect for the legitimate interests of all parties, within

the broader interest of international peace and security.

The work of the United Nations in the area of

humanitarian relief has always been an important part of

its operations, and this is the area in which its work has

had the most direct impact and practical meaning at the

level of the people. This is particularly so in the delivery

of emergency relief in natural disasters. The increase in

the scale and intensity of earthquakes, hurricanes, floods

and famine in recent times has increased the demands on

the system, and there is an obvious need to maintain

capability and readiness in the relevant agencies. At the

same time, we should support the various initiatives for

disaster prevention, including the enforcement of stricter

building codes, improved drainage systems, the exchange

of scientific knowledge, increased monitoring and the use

of early-warning systems to protect ourselves and mitigate

the damage.

Much more can be done to avert disasters in those

areas where members have greater control and power.

Man-made disasters create a tragic problem of refugees,

which otherwise is often the result of war, persecution or

political turmoil. The tragic plight of refugees uprooted

from their homes and forced to flee is a sad and

disturbing picture, and even more so for the neighbouring

States, which are often poor countries that do not have

the means to handle heavy inflows.

As we have seen from the Secretary-General's report,

one of the distressing practices in recent conflicts has

been the deliberate targeting of civilians and humanitarian

workers. This unacceptable flouting of humanitarian

norms is a matter of serious concern for us and indicates

the need for further elaboration of principles of

international humanitarian law applicable in time of war.

4

Our review of the state of the world in the economic,

political and humanitarian dimensions suggests the need for

greater effort in building political commitment and

investing resources for achieving common goals. Too many

of the old problems remain unresolved, and our unity of

purpose is too often compromised by political differences

and considerations of narrow economic interests. At a time

of increasing globalization, the reality of interdependence

should be leading us in the other direction — towards

mutual respect, tolerance, understanding and partnership in

a world of diversity, for these are the true foundations of

multilateralism.

As we close this century and approach the new

millennium, we should do so in the hope of reaching

greater achievements by acting in concert to uphold our

ideals of humanity and to fight the common enemies of

mankind: war, poverty, human suffering and injustice. This

should be our firm resolve.