Iceland, 1992

I wish to join previous speakers in

congratulating Mr. Ganev on his election to the presidency. I am glad to see

this important office occupied by a representative of one of Europe's new

democracies.

This year 13 new Members are joining our Organization: nine former

Soviet republics as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia and San

Marino. Iceland sincerely welcomes them all and looks forward to working with

them in this forum in the future.

The present is in many ways a time of remarkable opportunities for the

United Nations.' The continued improvement of the international situation has

over the past year inspired our Organization with a bold new optimism. We now

have a realistic chance of breathing new life into the United Nations Charter

and working in concert for the betterment of the world we live in. It is a

chance none of us can afford to miss.

Since the last session of the General Assembly important strides have

been made towards the establishment of a safer and more predictable

international environment. Progress has been substantial in the area of

arms control and disarmament. For over 40 years the peoples of the world

have been haunted by the spectre of nuclear holocaust. Owing largely to

the fundamental changes that have taken place in the former Soviet Union,

the role of nuclear weapons is quickly diminishing. The announcement by

Presidents Bush and Yeltsin last June of dramatic cuts in the strategic

arsenals of their countries was an important milestone in this regard.

The draft Convention on chemical weapons, adopted by the Conference on

Disarmament earlier this month, represents another major step towards the

eventual elimination of all types of weapons of mass destruction.

The deterrence of war, a guiding principle of the cold war, is giving

way to a different demand: the preservation of peace. As the emphasis

shifts from military to economic and political means of obtaining

security in effect from strategy to diplomacy the United Nations

should also be given increasing scope for action.

Diplomacy is bringing gains in regional disputes that have long been

major issues on the United Nations agenda. In the Middle East a historic

breakthrough has taken place with the initiation of the peace process

started at Madrid. Forty-four years after the establishment of the State

of Israel, Israelis and Palestinians are finally sitting at the same table

and negotiating their differences. Setbacks notwithstanding, important

steps have been taken by the Government of South Africa to abolish the

notorious system of apartheid.

Not least among the positive aspects of recent events is the growing

recognition of the legitimate role of the United Nations in upholding

collective security. In only four years the total of new United Nations

peace-keeping operations has equalled the number of such operations over a

period of 40 years previously. Clearly, however. United Nations

peace-keeping will be viable only as long as the political will to deploy

peace-keeping forces is matched by the resources to sustain them.

A great deal has been achieved, raising hopes for the future of our

Organization. But this is not the time for complacency. There are still

serious stumbling blocks on the road to genuine peace and security.

Overcoming them requires redoubled efforts by the world community and

individual States.

Reductions in nuclear arsenals, already agreed, will take years to

accomplish. In the meantime, proliferation of dangerous weapons will

continue apace, unless measures are taken to combat this menace

effectively. Should our combined efforts fail, we may face a paradoxical

situation in which the world becomes less dependent on nuclear weapons but

at the same time more unstable and more militarized.

Furthermore, violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms are

still taking place on a large scale. The United Nations has been

successful in the progressive development and codification of human

rights. But setting standards is not enough. We must also ensure that

they are respected. It is in that spirit that Iceland looks forward to

next year's World Conference on Human Rights. We sincerely hope that the

final outcome of the Conference will be a stepping stone towards a more

effective implementation of human-rights standards all round the world.

While the ice cap of the cold war has melted, national and ethnic

rivalries have been rekindled, creating new dangers of regional

instability. Ominous seeds of future intolerance and violence may have

been sown through the appalling human-rights abuses and outright

atrocities committed in some of the States of the former Yugoslavia. In a

brutal conflict like the one we are witnessing in Bosnia and Herzegovina

there are always shades of grey between black and white. No single party

can be assigned sole responsibility. However, the territorial gains made

by one of the parties, its overwhelming military superiority and the

ethnic origin and number of refugees are uncontested facts which

eloquently speak for themselves.

All efforts unilaterally to change internationally recognized

boundaries must be unreservedly condemned, as must the barbarous practice

of "ethnic cleansing"- At the same time, all parties to the conflict must

be brought to realize that a solution can be found only through peaceful

means and not on the battlefield. The relevant measures of the Security

Council, including sanctions imposed on the Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia, must be scrupulously adhered to. In this context, Iceland

welcomes the results of the recent London Conference and looks forward to

its follow-up in Geneva.

Tragic circumstances in the former Yugoslavia must not, however, be

allowed to divert our attention from the deplorable situation which

currently prevails in war-torn and famine-stricken Somalia. A quarter of

Somali children have already died from malnutrition and disease this year,

and a million more are similarly at risk in the coming months. Effective

international coordination of relief efforts, including improved

coordination between all relevant United Nations bodies, is the key to any

improvement of the situation. Moreover, we must draw proper lessons from

this unfortunate and disastrous experience and spare no effort to ensure

that our Organization can respond in a timely and more effective manner to

catastrophes like the one in Somalia.

Returning to Europe, we find that parts of the legacy of the last 40

years have not yet been successfully eradicated. Last year we welcomed

the three Baltic States, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, as sovereign

Members of the United Nations. The continued stationing of foreign troops

on the soil of those countries without their consent and in the absence

of a firm timetable for withdrawal remains, however, a source of serious

concern. At their meeting in Bornholm last month the Prime Ministers of

the five Nordic countries emphasized that the earliest possible withdrawal

of foreign military forces from the three Baltic States would contribute

to the stability of the region as a whole. Iceland welcomes the recent

accord on a troop pull-out from Lithuania by August next year, and hopes

that the agreement will herald an orderly, complete and unconditional

withdrawal of foreign troops from all three Baltic States.

Such anachronisms notwithstanding, the passing of the cold war has,

on the whole, created new openings in the areas of economic, social and

environmental cooperation. This applies not least in the area of trade.

At a time when the virtues of free trade are extolled by East and West

alike and the importance of having a clear and predictable framework for

world trade is greater than ever, it is paradoxical that the Uruguay

Round, launched more than six years ago, should be running two years

behind schedule and even be in danger of imminent collapse. At stake are

billions of dollars worth of world trade, as well as countless new job

opportunities. We cannot afford to give up. Surrender would stall growth

in the industrialized countries and slow down the integration of the

developing countries and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe into

the world trade system. We have to introduce the principles of free trade

that have served us so well in industry into hitherto protected sectors,

such as agriculture and fisheries.

It would, of course, hardly be realistic to expect all 108

participants in the Uruguay Round to be equally satisfied with the

results. The essential point, however, is that a general agreement that

all can live with is now within reach. As the Director-General of the

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), Mr. Dunkel, recently

pointed out,

"the Uruguay Round is a single undertaking. The results are to be

seen in an overall, integrated package. There is no pick and

choose"-

A reasonably satisfactory groundwork has been laid for the years ahead.

The future stability of world trade now hinges on two of the main

players, the European Community and the United States. If they can reach

agreement, the Uruguay Round will soon be concluded. If they do not, there

are turbulent, even chaotic times ahead. Both players must shoulder their

responsibilities towards the rest of the world. The issues that remain

unresolved are not of a nature to justify yet another postponement, which

would in fact mean the end of the Uruguay Round.

We cannot afford to let the Uruguay Round founder on the unjustified

claims of a rural minority for protection and subsidies. The contribution of

agriculture to gross domestic product has dropped drastically in the developed

world, but support for and protection of agriculture has increased.

Free-trade forces in manufacturing and services are more advanced than they

are in agriculture, and it is noteworthy that in recent years subsidies to

manufacturing in the developed world have declined.

Among the most important commitments embodied in the United Nations

Charter is the determination of our countries to promote social progress and

better standards of living in conditions of greater freedom. But over the

last 10 years social conditions in a number of countries have actually

declined. More than 1 billion people live in absolute poverty. What is

needed is for all nations represented in the Assembly to rise above their

disagreements and act together to relieve the plight of those living under

conditions of abject misery. Iceland supports, therefore, the proposal to

convene a world summit for social development in 1995.

This year marks the end of the United Nations Decade of Disabled

Persons. The implementation of the objectives of the World Programme of

Action has, when all is said and done, been disappointing. We must respect

our pledges to the world's half billion persons with disabilities and recommit

ourselves to the objective of creating equal opportunities for all people.

In the past few years we have become increasingly aware of the

interrelationship between the state of the environment and advances in human

rights and social development. As was already noted by that distinguished

representative of the best tradition of European humanism, Willy Brandt,

12 years ago:

"It can no longer be argued that protection of the environment is an

obstacle to development. On the contrary, the care of the natural

environment is an essential aspect of development".

The success of efforts to deal with global environmental problems and a

long-term strategy to achieve sustainable development will depend in large

part on how we manage population growth. At the present growth rate the human

race is likely to double in less than half a century. Obviously, all nations,

rich and poor alike, owe it to succeeding generations to cooperate in

achieving a major revision of social policies in the field of population

control.

The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de

Janeiro was a landmark event, as was evidenced by the wide participation in

the Conference. Its achievements provide a sound basis for further work. In

order to safeguard our planet from otherwise-inevitable ecological disaster,

we must agree on targets and measures that will lead us towards sustainable

development.

During the past year there have been no indications that the state of the

global environment is improving or that we have managed to turn the tide. On

the contrary, findings earlier this year which show a further depletion of

ozone in the stratosphere are of great concern. Recent disclosures of massive

discharges of radioactive waste and other hazardous materials into the Barents

and Kara Seas from the former Soviet Union could also be an indication of an

ecological time bomb. These and many similar dangers have made the Earth

appear smaller than ever before and demonstrate the need for enhanced

international cooperation and stronger national commitment to environmental

protection.

Turning to the follow-up to the Rio Conference, Iceland considers the

prevention of marine pollution, as well as efforts to ensure sustainable

utilization of all marine living resources, to be of fundamental importance.

The oceans are not only a crucial part of the respiratory system of our planet

but also an indispensable source of food for mankind. The requirements of

basic human subsistence make it imperative that the living resources of the

sea remain available for human consumption. Moreover, marine resources could

become one of the most important assets of developing countries as they strive

for sustainable development. Iceland therefore particularly welcomes the

unanimous decision taken at the Rio Conference to convene an international

conference to address the prevention of marine pollution from land-based

sources.

As pollution endangers our natural environment, so there are other

noxious influences which threaten to corrupt our societies from within. Drug

abuse is a global problem which threatens the security and stability of many

countries and is a serious social problem in most countries of the world. The

drug problem is'a multi-faceted one. We must continue to fight, with real

solutions which touch on all its facets, including ways to diminish demand,

production and trafficking. Drug-trafficking is increasingly an organized

crime, victimizing mainly our youth. More effective leadership, based on a

more definite mandate from the United Nations International Drug Control

Programme, is clearly called for.

In my opening words, I referred to a time of remarkable opportunities for

the United Nations. Before concluding, I feel it is appropriate to return to

those unique circumstances in the context of the tasks and challenges ahead.

Now more than ever, the United Nations has the potential to become a more

credible and effective world Organization for the benefit of all humankind.

But the moment must be seized. There is a need to revamp the United Nations

from within, to consolidate the Organization politically and concentrate on

more effective management. This is necessary, not least in order for the

Organization to regain and maintain the trust of its Member States.

Furthermore, we must adapt the United Nations to the new demands posed by the

growing number of Member States, the radical changes on the international scene

and the growing interdependence of States since the Second World War.

The Secretary General's recent report entitled "An Agenda for Peace"

points the way. Let us be mindful of his observation that States Members of

the United Nations are fortunate in having been given a second chance to

create the world envisioned in the Charter, a chance denied with painful

consequences the members of the League of Nations.