Indonesia, 1992

It gives me great pleasure to extend to you.

Sir, my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the

forty-seventh session of the General Assembly. To your distinguished

predecessor. Ambassador Shamir S. Shihabi, I should like to convey our deep

appreciation for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the last

session.

I am also pleased to see our eminent Secretary-General,

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, by your side. His incisive analysis of the

impediments to the realization of the full potential' of the United Nations and

his recommendations on how to strengthen its capacity to maintain peace,

secure independence and justice and foster generalized prosperity in the

world, as contained in his report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277),

do indeed deserve our serious consideration.

We welcome the new Members in our midst: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and

Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of

Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Their

accession to membership not only brings us ever closer to the goal of true

universality of our Organization but also underscores the unflagging hope that

humanity reposes in this multilateral forum for resolving the global issues of

our time.

It is my privilege and responsibility to bring to the Assembly a message

from the developing countries belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement. I come

here from the Tenth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Movement

of Non-Aligned Countries, which Indonesia had the distinct honour to host

earlier this month. It was the largest Non-Aligned Summit ever convened.

I am honoured, therefore, to address the Assembly not only on behalf of

the 180 million people of Indonesia, but also on behalf of the Non-Aligned

Movement, which has 108 members, representing the vast majority of humankind

and close to two thirds of the members of the Assembly.

On behalf of the leaders of the Movement, whose consensus views were

summed up in what has come to be known as the Jakarta message, may I

convey to the Assembly the gist of that message.

As a political coalition encompassing more sovereign States than has

any other grouping in history, we shall not be mere spectators nor agree

to be on the sidelines of the currents of historical change now sweeping

across the globe. We commit ourselves to the shaping of a new

international order free from war and poverty, intolerance and injustice,

a world order based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and genuine

interdependence, one that takes into account the diversity of the social

systems and cultures of the world. We pledge to seek that new

international order through the central and irreplaceable instrumentality

of the United Nations.

Holding fast to the principles of the Movement as first articulated

at Bandung 37 years ago, we affirm the fundamental rights of every human

being and every nation to development, to social progress and to full

participation in the shaping of their common destiny. Through dialogue

and cooperation our Movement will seek to place itself as a vibrant,

constructive and interdependent component of the mainstream of

international relations so that a new international order can take shape

on a truly universal basis, ensuring harmony, peace, justice and

prosperity for all.

That is the essence of the Jakarta message. Permit me now to

elaborate on a few points.

The comprehensive decisions and positions adopted by the tenth

non-aligned summit, as recorded in its final documents, constitute both a

response and an initiative, a dynamic adaptation in the face of the

challenges and opportunities posed by the profound and radical

developments that have transformed the patterns of international

relationships. To a large extent the Non-Aligned Movement contributed to

these global transformations. The unrelenting drive that it imparted to

the world-wide decolonization process and to the struggle against racism

hastened the demise of colonial empires, the rise of numerous newly

independent States and the retreat of the inhuman policy of apartheid.

And yet the world today is still far from being peaceful, just and

secure. Simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign

occupation, interference in the internal affairs of States, policies of

hegemony and domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms

of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism continue to obstruct the

building of harmonious coexistence between States and peoples and have

even led to the disintegration of States and societies. A profoundly

anguishing example is that of the former Socialist Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia, whose break-up has led to the formation of separate,

independent States, three of which, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and

Slovenia, have since become Members of the United Nations.

On these explosive and tragic crises in various parts of the world

our Movement has taken a clear stand. We have called for speedy and

resolute action to end the carnage in Bosnia and Herzegovina and condemned

the massive atrocities and violations of human rights being committed

against the people of that Republic, especially its Muslim population. We

have also condemned the repugnant policy of "ethnic cleansing", reaffirmed

the inadmissibility of aggression and of acquisition of territory by

force, and called for full respect for the sovereignty, independence,

territorial integrity and cultural identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We have launched collective action to help alleviate the immense

suffering of the people of Somalia and to play a critical role in the

search for a comprehensive solution to the fratricidal conflict in that

land.

We have reiterated our unflinching support for the struggle of the

Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation

Organization (PLO), to realize their inalienable right to self-

determination, independence and sovereign statehood in their own

homeland. We call on the world community to prevail upon Israel to

contribute to the search for peace through the implementation of the

Security Council resolutions that provide for the withdrawal of Israel

from all occupied Palestine and Arab lands. And once again we stress the

imperative need to end the universally condemned system of apartheid, once

and for all, and of establishing a non-racial, democratic and united South

Africa.

Having welcomed the end of the Gulf War and the restoration of

Kuwait's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, we have

urged the commencement of a process of reconciliation that will finally

heal the wounds of war and restore stable peace and harmonious cooperation

in that region.

While we rejoiced at the establishment of the transitional

government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the tenth summit noted

with regret that the process towards national reconciliation and the

establishment of a permanent government through free and fair elections is

still marred by continuing internecine strife. We hope that these

obstacles will soon be overcome so that peace can be restored and national

reconstruction can commence.

On Cambodia, we have reiterated our confidence in the

determination and capability of the Cambodian people, under the leadership

of Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk and the members of the Supreme National

Council, with the assistance of the United Nations Transitional Authority

in Cambodia (UNTAC), to uphold the Paris Agreements in their balanced

totality. We remain convinced that the Paris Agreements are still the

best basis for the achievement of a comprehensive, just and durable peace

in Cambodia, based on national reconciliation and reconstruction. Only

through their strict implementation will it be possible to bring to an end

the protracted war that has inflicted unspeakable suffering and

devastation on the Cambodian people.

A world caught in the throes of pervasive change and transition is

basically an unstable and unpredictable world. The Movement has therefore

resolved to intensify its efforts in the field of disarmament. While it is

true that there has been encouraging progress in limiting nuclear and

conventional armaments, the disarmament agenda is still largely unfinished. A

nuclear-weapon-free world has always been the vision of our movement, for

until it is achieved this threat to human survival will continue to cast its

shadow over all other endeavours and aspirations. We have urged accelerated

efforts on other priority disarmament issues, particularly the prohibition of

all weapons of mass destruction.

Besides posing an acute danger to world peace and security, the

continuing global arms race and unbridled military spending also constitute a

huge drain on national economies and on the world economy. Our Movement has

consistently maintained that the resources released through disarmament and

arms reduction should be redirected towards the social and economic

development of all countries, especially the developing countries. The

establishment of this productive linkage between disarmament and development

will also make it possible to attain security at lower levels of armament.

We should now recognize that peace and security depend as much on

socio-economic factors as on military ones. Sharply reduced prospects for

economic and social advancement, large-scale unemployment, abject poverty,

massive cross-border migrations and severe environmental degradation also

endanger peace. We cannot hope to attain comprehensive security and stable

peace without making substantive progress in the war against poverty,

underdevelopment, disease and social injustice.

That is why it should deeply concern us that the world economy is mired

in sluggish and uneven growth. With few exceptions, developing countries are

experiencing stagnation or vastly inadequate growth rates, with the most

vulnerable ones slumping into sharp decline. Most alarming is the prolonged

critical situation in Africa where the plight of millions requires speedy and

decisive action. Africa deserves our special attention.

Developing countries in general are severely hampered by an unfavourable

external economic environment characterized by inadequate access to

technology, unabated protectionism, historically low prices for commodities

and raw materials, severely contracted financial flows and the crushing burden

of external debt, resulting in reverse financial flows to the developed

countries and the multilateral financial institutions.

The external debt crisis of the developing countries has intensified in

magnitude and global impact, and is being exacerbated by volatile

exchange-rate fluctuations for the major currencies and by high interest

rates. The debt-reduction schemes that have been tried are far from adequate;

they need to be broadened to include all kinds of debts and all categories of

debtors, including those that have made great efforts to meet their debt

obligations. A differentiated approach should be adopted that would allow

debt cancellation for the least developed countries and more generous terms,

in both debt servicing and new concessional loans, for lower-income developing

countries. Our Movement will continue to press for a coordinated and

development-oriented approach to the solution of this problem that will bring

relief as well as allow for the recovery and continued growth of debtor

countries.

Even global developments that appear to imply positive prospects could

have a negative impact on the developing countries. The transformation of

Central and Eastern European economies and the formation of powerful groupings

among developed countries could deflect the focus from poverty alleviation in

developing countries and adversely affect their trade and growth prospects.

Particularly lamentable is the continuing impasse in the Uruguay Round of

multilateral trade negotiations. The Non-Aligned Movement has therefore

called on the developed countries to ensure without further delay a balanced,

equitable and satisfactory conclusion of the Uruguay Round that would take

into account the interests of all parties, especially the development needs

and concerns of the developing countries.

We, the non-aligned countries, realize too well that global problems are

interlinked, especially in the economic sphere. And because most of today's

problems are global in nature, they cannot be solved through short-term relief

measures or through piecemeal reform. Hence, it is time the countries of both

the North and the South forged a new compact on development and a new

democratic partnership in fashioning global solutions to these global

problems. Only in that way can we deliver the world economy from its present

disarray and do away with the inequitable international structures and

modalities that have resulted in deepening disparities and unacceptable

injustices in international economic relations and an inexorably widening

prosperity and technology gap between the developed and the developing

countries. Only in .that way can we hope to restructure the international

economic system and international economic relations so as to make them more

equitable and thus more viable.

We, the non-aligned countries, have therefore called for a revival of the

constructive dialogue between the North and the South. But this time the

dialogue should be based on the imperative of genuine interdependence,

mutuality of interests and of benefits, and shared responsibility, with the

positions of each side clearly elaborated and presented, and rationally

discussed and negotiated. Never before have the fate and fortunes of the

North and the South been so inextricably intertwined.

In the absence of stability and development in the South, the North

cannot hope to sustain its economic prosperity. Without a favourable global

environment, which the policies of the North should provide, the South cannot

achieve its development goals. Thus, common sense dictates the need for both

sides to sit down and discuss how together they can manage the massive changes

and challenges of the decades ahead.

At the same time, we have resolved to intensify South-South cooperation

on the basis of collective self-reliance. This is imperative, for South-South

cooperation is vital for promoting our own development and for reducing undue

dependence on the North. It is also an integral element in any strategy for

the attainment of a new and equitable international economic order. Towards

that end, we are initiating concrete cooperative ventures in such areas as

food security, population, trade and investment, and devising practicable

modalities for their implementation. By thus pooling the resources, expertise

and experience of the South, we hope to translate the concept of collective

self-reliance into reality. We invite the developed countries and the

multilateral financial institutions to support us in this endeavour, for it

should be clear that the fostering of expanded economic cooperation among the

developing countries will in turn impart added vitality to the growth and

expansion of the world economy as a whole and yield corresponding benefits to

the developed countries as well.

A global concern that requires the heightened attention of the entire

international community is the rapid degradation of the environment. We, the

non-aligned countries, welcome the results of the Conference held in Rio de

Janeiro. They confirm the long-held conviction of our Movement that the

issues of environment and development are inseparable and should be integrally

addressed on the basis of equitably shared responsibility. The pursuit of

environmentally sound and sustainable development will require a global

partnership that will have to address the need of developing countries for

commensurate, additional financial resources and access to environmentally

sound technology. Even more important is the effective implementation of the

agreed policies, which will require constant monitoring and consistent

follow-through. In this context, we welcome the establishment of the

high-level Commission on Sustainable Development.

We also believe that social development is no less vital than political

and economic development. We therefore support the convening of a world

summit on social development which should place the social needs of people at

the heart of United Nations endeavours. The full and equal integration of

women into the development process has always been a goal of the Non-Aligned

Movement. Consequently, we shall fully cooperate in ensuring the success of

the World Conference on Women in 1995. We believe that all children should be

raised with a standard of living that is adequate for their health and

well-being. We shall work to achieve that goal as a matter of moral

imperative and commit ourselves to the full and effective implementation of

the Declaration and Plan of Action of the World Summit for Children.

At Jakarta, the non-aligned countries enunciated an unequivocal stand on

human rights. Allow me to quote from the Jakarta Message:

"We reaffirm that basic human rights and fundamental freedoms are of

universal validity. We welcome the growing trend towards democracy and

commit ourselves to cooperate in the protection of human rights. We

believe that economic and social progress facilitates the achievement of

these objectives. No country, however, should use its power to dictate

its concept of democracy and of human rights or to impose conditions on

others. In the promotion and protection of these rights, we emphasise

the inter-relatedness of the various categories, call for a balanced

relationship between individual and community rights, and uphold the

competence and responsibility of national governments in their

implementation. The Non-Aligned Countries, therefore, shall coordinate

their positions and actively participate in the preparatory work for the

Second World Conference on Human Rights in June 1993 in order to ensure

that the Conference addresses all aspects of human rights on the basis of

universality, indivisibility, impartiality and non-selectivity."

Moreover, it is our firm conviction that the objective of human rights is

the realization of the full potential of the human being, and human potential

is not confined to the political field. The fundamental right to economic and

social development, for example, cannot be separated and cannot be treated

separately from the other categories of human rights. These rights apply to

nations as well as to individuals. Thus, every nation has the right to

determine its own political and economic system and to preserve its cultural

identity as shaped by its own particular historical experience.

The advanced countries of the West have recently been vocal in calling

for democracy and good governance as an integral part of the development

process, especially in the developing countries. Some are even inclined to

make it a new conditionality in development cooperation. The call for

democratization and democratic reform in all countries is indeed valid, for it

relates directly to the basic aspirations of individuals and nations. But

democracy is not a static concept limited to certain established forms and

practices. Its basic principles and tenets are indeed of universal and

immutable validity. But no single model of democracy can be assumed to be of

universal applicability, given the diversity of cultural values and historical

experiences of the nations of the world.

Moreover, it would be a denial of the basic tenets of democracy if its

values were to be strictly observed within nations while they are being

ignored among nations. Hence democracy and democratization are dynamic

processes that should conform to the fundamental values of each nation and

constantly adapt to evolving realities in order to remain relevant and, more

important, democratic.

These observations equally apply to the United Nations. That is why the

Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has always insisted that this multilateral

Organization should likewise reflect the democratic spirit of equality, equity

and transparency, in representation as well as in the processes of

decision-making. Therefore the United Nations and its principal organs should

periodically undergo a process of review and revitalization in order to ensure

its dynamic adaptation to the evolving realities of international life, and in

order that it may continue to play an effective role as the focal point for

the management of the critical global issues of our time.

We the non-aligned countries have therefore resolved to play an active

and constructive role in the revitalization, restructuring and democratization

of the United Nations system. For this purpose, we have decided to establish

a high-level working group charged with elaborating concrete proposals for the

restructuring of the United Nations.

We believe that a balanced relationship among the General Assembly, the

Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Secretary-General is

imperative. There should be greater accountability of the Security Council to

the General Assembly on decisions and actions affecting the interests of the

entire international community. The role of the General Assembly as a forum

for deliberation, negotiation and decision-making must be enhanced.

It is our conviction that the United Nations capacity for enhancing

international development and cooperation should be strengthened by

revitalizing the Economic and Social Council. We believe that the office of

the Secretary-General should be provided with resources that are commensurate

with its tasks, which have vastly expanded as a result of recent world

events. The Secretary-General's mandate should be enlarged to enable him to

take the necessary initiatives in the pursuit of preventive diplomacy and in

enhancing the efficacy of United Nations peace-making, peace-keeping and

peace-building operations.

We believe also that it is time to address the matter of the size and

composition of the Security Council. This, we realize, should be done with

circumspection, for it involves a fundamental aspect of the Organization's

purposes and functions.

When the Charter of the United Nations was framed and its organs

established in 1945, the main preoccupation of its founding members was

rightly so that never again should the scourge of war be allowed to

devastate humankind. They therefore envisioned a collective security system

that they thought could be capable of preventing another world war.

Since then, however, the world has changed in a most profound way. Over

the past 47 years, numerous nations achieved their independence and joined the

United Nations as sovereign Member States, thus giving the Organization

near-universality in its composition. Their entry reflected the universal

drive of peoples to liberate themselves from colonial bondage. But what was

the ultimate goal of the struggle? They fought for political independence,

not because it was an end unto itself, but because it was the necessary

condition for the attainment of a further and larger goal: development.

Those who fought for independence invariably had a vision of their own people

attaining the blessings and the dignity of economic and social progress, which

is never possible in a state of political subjugation.

In a very real sense, true freedom is attained only through development,

and the formal trappings of political independence are empty until they are

substantiated by economic and social progress. While it may be true that

colonialism in its classical form has virtually come to an end, the process of

decolonization will not be finished until economic independence is achieved.

Thus, if in the past the major preoccupation of the United Nations was,

rightly, the prevention of another world conflagration and the liberation of

peoples from political bondage, today the world, and therefore the United

Nations, should be seized with the struggle of all countries for national

development. This preoccupation should be reflected in the work of the United

Nations and in the composition and dynamics of its organs, in particular the

Security Council.

We live in an age of development in which economic power has become more

decisive than ever. We live in a world where billions of people in the

developing countries of the South are beginning to assert their right to

realize their economic and social potential.

We believe therefore that the Security Council should be expanded to

accommodate new members who, if they are not to be given veto powers, should

at least serve as permanent members. They should join the Council on the

basis of a combination of relevant criteria that more faithfully reflect the

world situation today. That means that the criteria should also take into

account the changing concept of security, which has now to emphasize the

economic and social aspects as much as the military. We cannot close our

eyes to the fact that the economic policies of industrialized countries and

the economic weight of the developing countries, particularly the most

populous among them, have as much bearing on international peace and security

as the armaments of the military Powers. We further believe that it may also

be timely and pertinent that the manner in which the veto powers are now

exercised should be subjected to a constructive review.

The full elaboration of the meaning and intent of the Jakarta message

will be found, not in our speeches, but in the concrete work of the Movement

in the days to come. It is a momentous task that we have to undertake the

building of a new world order dedicated to peace as well as to justice, to

security as well as to development, to democracy both within and among States,

and to the promotion of the fundamental rights of nations as well as of

individual human beings. Let me re-emphasize that to the non-aligned

countries, any new world order is viable and commonly acceptable only if based

on recognition of the United Nations as its center-piece and its universal

framework and if rooted in the fundamental principles of the United Nations

Charter.

This endeavour will take more than the exercise the best efforts of any

single country or any group of countries. But with the help of God Almighty,

with the support and participation of all nations that share our aspirations,

we shall, God willing, achieve that new world order.