Indonesia, 1982

I should like at the outset, on behalf of the

Indonesian delegation and on my own behalf, to

extend heartfelt con-gratulations to Mr. Hollai

on his election to the presidency of the

thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.

His vast experience and the competence that he

has exhibited in the realm of multilateral

diplomacy give us the assurance that under hi

guidance solid and substantive progress will be

achieved during this crucial session.

206. With one regular session and no less than

four special and emergency sessions, the past

year has indeed been an exceedingly busy and

demanding one for the outgoing President, Mr.

2smat Kittani. He has discharged his manifold

responsibilities with great skill and patience

and has contributed substantially to what has

been achieved in difficult circumstances. We wish

to register our deep appreciation of his

leadership.

207. In the course of the past year the cause

of international peace and security has,

regrettably, suffered further serious setbacks.

Compounding this trend, the world economy

continues to deteriorate and global economic

co-operation has been stalemated, while the

United Nations itself has been repeatedly

bypassed. Resort to force to settle disputes,

despite the Charter provisions to the contrary,

has continued unabated and has even increased.

Detente, always fragile and too limited in scope

and substance to begin with, is now a shambles

and each local conflict now potentially poses a

greater threat to world peace than ever before.

In South-West Asia, South-East Asia, the Middle

East, Africa, Central and South America and other

regions people continue to suffer the

consequences of violence and conflict. Yet,

despite the devastation and hardship that are

visited upon both the victor and the vanquished

in war, States persist in their preparations for

military confrontation.

208. Local and regional conflicts have become

increasingly intractable owing to the marked

tendency of the major Powers to view those

conflicts from the perspective of their global

rivalries and to link eventual solutions to their

wider strategies of mutual containment. As a

result, the risk of the lesser Powers and the

countries of the third world being dragged into

the East-West polarization have grown

correspondingly.

209. It is manifest that in an increasingly

insecure and perilous world the present

international system has proved to be incapable

of dealing effectively with the multitude of

problems. Indeed, the international community has

long recognized this reality by calling for the

restructuring of the prevailing system and the

establishment of a new international order.

However, despite the new political realities in

the world and the growing consensus on change,

the present system is being perpetuated, to the

detriment of the newly emergent States. It is

only by recognizing the interests of the

developing countries and their vast potential for

contributing to a more peaceful and prosperous

world of genuine independence that we can begin

to address the global problems before us.

210. It is our deep conviction that as long as

the great Powers seek to enhance their security

in disregard of the interests of the smaller

Powers, the question of universal collective

security envisaged in the Charter will continue

to elude us. One of the cardinal features of the

new international system must be greater equality

and a greater voice in decision-making on vital

issues for all members of the international

community.

211. The multiple crises afflicting our world

today and the perception of a growing paralysis

on the part of the United Nations in the attempts

to find effective solutions to them have further

deepened the crisis of authority in which the

Organization has found itself for quite some time.

212. In this context, I should like to express

my delegation's great appreciation of the frank

and lucid report of the Secretary-General, which

highlighted the alarming erosion of the

Organization's influence over issues of world

peace and progress. My Government shares his

concern for whathe has rightly called the crisis

of the multilateral approach in coping with the

myriad of problems that confront us. It is only

through a renewed commitment and dedication to

the multilateral approach through the United

Nations, through dialogue and negotiation, that

we can reverse the dangerous drift towards global

disorder, heightened polarization and the revive

of blatant power politics.

213. It is imperative to restore the capacity

of the United Nations to fulfill its mission as

outlined by the Charter, and our first task must

necessarily be to ensure a strengthened role for

the Security Council in settling conflicts. One

essential component for such a strengthened role,

in our view, should be the establishment of

workable machinery for the conciliation of

disputes and the diffusion of crises before they

become full-blown wars. But for this and other

improvements in the operational procedures of the

Security Council to become possible, there should

first be a conscious readjustment in the nature

and extent of the commitment by Member States,

especially by the permanent members of the

Security Council, to the wider global

responsibilities inherent in our common

acceptance of the Charter.

214. In his report, the Secretary-General has

gone beyond analyzing the difficulties the

Organization is facing and has suggested a number

of pertinent ways in which Governments of Member

States could assist, in particular, in developing

a more viable system of collective security, in

strengthening United Nations peace keeping

operations and in enhancing the validity and

utility of United Nations organs as negotiating

forums. It is appropriate, therefore, that at

this critical juncture in the life of the

Organization we, the Member States, likewise move

beyond the perfunctory expression of praise and

support for the Secretary-General's initiative

and make active conceptual and concrete

contributions to the elaboration and the early

realization of the required reforms. As far as

Indonesia is concerned, it stands ready to extend

its full co-operation towards this end.

215. It cannot be said that the past year has

witnessed any impressive progress on the main

issues confronting us. Indeed, the lack of

progress is distinctly disappointing and is in

strong contrast to the obvious urgency of these

problems.

216. Among the central issues confronting the

international community, particularly in my own

region of South-East Asia, is the plight of

Kampuchea.

217. The situation in Kampuchea has not

changed substantially and remains a matter of

serious concern to all of us. Indeed, no

meaningful progress has been achieved in seeking

a political solution of the problem. Foreign

troops are still in Kampuchea, despite repeated

calls by the international community for their

total withdrawal. The United Nations supervised

election to enable the people of Kampuchea to

determine their own future has not taken place.

The efforts by the United Nations and the

International Conference on Kampuchea to seek a

political solution have yet to yield meaningful

results.

218. Despite the lack of progress, however,

the national forces of Kampuchea have formed the

Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea

under the leadership of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk,

which is a clear expression of the will and

determination of the Kampuchean people to regain

their sovereignty, independence and territorial

integrity. It is important to note that the

Coalition Government has pledged to work for the

implementation of all decisions of the United

Nations and the International Conference on

Kampuchea. It remains the sincere conviction of

my Government that it would be in the interest of

all the parties to seek a peaceful and negotiated

political solution to the Kampuchean problem and

that the United Nations and the International

Conference on Kampuchea provide the best forum to

seek the achievement of such a political solution.

219. The Association of South-East Asian

Nations is committed to seek a just political

solution to the conflict. Once the Kampuchean

question isresolved, we are confident that

suspicion and mistrust will be removed from the

area, thus paving the way for the resumption of a

meaningful dialogue and co-operative relations

among the States in the region. We could then

look forward with greater confidence to the

establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and

neutrality in South-East Asia, thereby fulfilling

the hopes and aspirations of all peoples in the

region for stability, progress and prosperity.

220. The crisis in Afghanistan has also

affected the process of detente. Indeed, it has

exacerbated tension and anxiety throughout the

world and has hindered the resolution of a number

of issues of world-wide concern. In line with

United Nations efforts, the non- aligned movement

and the Organization of the Islamic Conference

have reiterated the urgent need to seek a

comprehensive political solution to the problem

on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign troops

and respect for the independence, sovereignty,

territorial integrity and non-aligned status of

Afghanistan. The Secretary-General has also taken

constructive steps in seeking a solution of this

problem. We believe that any such solution should

ensure that the Afghan people wilt be able to

determine their own future, free from foreign

intervention and interference.

221. Since June 1982, the world has witnessed

with anger and dismay the Israeli invasion of

Lebanon. We were shocked at the toll in human

lives, especially all the Chilean population and

the incalculable deduction it has wreaked on

Lebanon. My Government has strongly condemned

Israel's aggression against the Lebanese and the

Palestinian peoples and demanded the restoration

of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and

political independence of Lebanon. In his

National Day speech on 17 August President

Soeharto reiterated.

'Our stand remains as clear and unambiguous as

before: that is, we continue to be on the side of

the Arab nation in its struggle against Israeli

aggression and stand should 2r to shoulder with

the Palestinian people in their legitimate quest

for self- determination and to regain their

homeland .'

222. The appalling massacre of the Palestinian

civilians in west Beirut, which is a direct

consequence of Israel's invasion, has evoked

universal condemnation. The resumption of the

seventh emergency special session last week and

the adoption by consensus of resolution ES-7/9,

in which the Assembly calls on the Security

Council to investigate the circumstances and

extent of the massacre, was a reflection of the

world's horror over the massacre, for which

Israel cannot evade responsibility.

223. It is clear that the aim of the Israeli

invasion was to destroy the national identity and

aspirations of the Palestinian people and their

sole and legitimate representative, the PLO, as

the standard bearer of Palestinian rights to

sovereignty and statehood. Israel cannot take

upon itself the function of a policeman in the

Middle East, violating as it pleases the

territorial sovereignty of its neighbors,

destroying the people of Palestine and imposing

its will on the Arab world. Israel's expansionism

and arrogance must be stopped.

224. My delegation believes that the only hope

for peace is for Israel to accept Palestinian

independence and sovereignty as called for and

supported by nearly all mankind. The question of

Palestine remains at the heart of the conflict in

the Middle East, and without a solution to this

problem no comprehensive settlement can ensure

peace in the region. The realization of a just

and lasting peace requires the unconditional

withdrawal of all Israeli forces from all

occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem.

225. We commend the Twelfth Arab Summit

Conference, held Fez this month, which has

demonstrated the unified approach of the Arab

States to the problem of the Middle East. The

meeting enumerated /4/J7/6P6] serious and

reasonable proposals to achieve a solution of the

Palestinian question. On the other hand, as a

power which could restrain Israel's aggression,

intransigence and expansionism, we believe that

the United States should continue to insist on

Israel behaving in a more responsible and

peace-loving manner, befitting a Member of the

United Nations. It is our sincere hope that the

proposals of the Fez Summit will receive a

positive response from all the parties concerned

so that the long-standing conflict in this region

will soon be resolved, thereby inaugurating a

new era of peace for the region as a whole.

226. The second special session on disarmament

which was convened, with great expectations, to

follow up the decisions of the Final Document of

the Tenth Special Session of the general

Assembly, adopted in 1978, has become a casualty

of the present climate of distrust and tension

and has degenerated into a series of platitudes,

devoid of substantive commitments. The inability

to adopt a comprehensive program of disarmament

at the session, regarded by many States,

including my own, as crucial to our efforts for

an integrated approach, was a great

disappointment. It was, moreover, regrettable

that some of the leading Powers disregarded their

commitments undertaken in the 197% Final

Document and were unwilling to use the United

Nations as an instrument for genuine disarmament

effort. These developments have prevented

meaningful progress in stemming the tide of the

arms race.

227. Despite that failure, however, the

session has served as a focal point for

widespread expression of public concern about the

arms race, and in particular about the danger of

nuclear weapons. The proposals for a ban on the

use of nuclear weapons, and for a freeze on their

development and production, and the renewed call

for a comprehensive ban on nuclear- weapon tests,

fully reflected world opinion. It is our hope

that the bilateral talks between the United

States and the Soviet Union will be pursued with

a sense of urgency and lead to meaningful

limitations and significant reductions in nuclear

weapons. The nuclear Powers should, moreover,

recognize that it :s no less important to pursue

multilateral negotiations, by enabling the

Committee on Disarmament to discharge its

responsibilities and renew efforts to negotiate

on the priority issues.

228. There is a growing apprehension that the

region of the Indian Ocean is rapidly become the

focus of a new cold-war rivalry between the

super-Powers. As a littoral State, Indonesia is

convinced that the convening of the

International! Conference on the Indian Ocean is

ar\ essential step towards the establishment of a

zone of peace. We are fully aware of the

ramifications of the conflicts and tension that

engulf the region. It is precisely for this

reason that the Conference, as stipulated in

relevant General Assembly resolutions, should be

the forum to discuss all relevant issues, with a

view to opening the constructive dialogue that

heretofore has eluded us. It is a truism that the

convening of one conference might not suffice to

resolve all the problems pertaining to the Indian

Ocean. However, the Conference should be a first

step towards improving the political and security

climate in the region.

229. In recent months the international

community has witnessed renewed large-scale

military operations by South Africa against SWAPO

in a desperate attempt to eliminate the sole

authentic and internationally recognized

representative of the Namibian people. It should

be noted that there is nothing new in these South

African tactics. The racists in Pretoria have on

numerous occasions used their military forces to

thwart any progress in the negotiations to

implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978).

230. South Africa has clearly demonstrated

that it is prepared to use every maneuver, and to

exploit every opportunity to employ force, to

undercut all efforts towards a negotiated

settlement leading to the establishment of an

independent Namibia.

231. The most expeditious means to bring about

Namibian independence is contained in the Arusha

Declaration and Programme of Action on Namibia

adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia

in May this year. It urged the Western contact

group to accept SWAPO's constructive proposal

for the early implementation of the United

Nations plan and to exert firm and genuine

pressure on South Africa. In this regard, my

delegation will firmly oppose any effort by South

Africa to impose any fraudulent electoral,

constitutional or political schemes, and any

pretext to link the solution of the Namibian

problem to any other issue that would be in

contravention of resolution 433 (1978), all of

which are designed to perpetuate South Africa's

domination of the Territory. Furthermore, at the

Arusha meeting my delegation endorsed the call

for a Geneva-type conference at which all

outstanding issues should be discussed and

resolved together in a comprehensive manner. The

early scheduling of such a conference may help

intensify current efforts to overcome South

Africa's intransigence. Despite the many

obstacles that continue to block the way to

securing Namibia's independence, the negotiating

process has shown some signs of progress, as

noted in the Secretary-General's report. Every

effort should be made, however, to compel South

Africa to negotiate in good faith and within the

guidelines established by resolution 435 (1978).

232. It is disturbing to all of us that,

despite the condemnation of the system of

apartheid by almost all Member States, South

Africa continues to ignore the repeated appeals

of the international community to end the

practice of

233. Guided by the important decisions adopted

at the International Conference on Sanctions

against South Africa, held in Paris in 1981, my

delegation is convinced that the international

community should intensify its solidarity with

the people of South Africa by maintaining and

strengthening the agreed set of sanctions

designed to isolate South Africa in all spheres

of international relations.

234. On 30 April 1982 the Third United Nations

Conference on the Law of the Sea adopted a

comprehensive Convention on the Law of the Sea.^

This was a monumental achievement in multilateral

negotiations under the auspices of the United

Nations. The fact that the draft Convention was

adopted by 130 countries and was opposed by only

4 indicates that each provision is acceptable to

the overwhelming majority of the States in the

world. It is conceivable that, taken separately,

all provisions of the Law of the Sea Convention

are not acceptable to a particular country. But

taken as a whole, being a compromise text in a

package, the text is obviously acceptable to the

world community. My delegation believes that the

Law of the Sea Convention is extremely important

to maintaining law and order in ocean affairs as

well as to promoting national development and

management of ocean uses and resources. My

delegation therefore would like to appeal to the

small number of countries which have not adopted

the Convention to reconsider their position, so

that the Law of the Sea Convention, being the

product of long years of negotiation, can become

truly universal in nature and application.

235. Concurrent with the continuing critical

climate in international politics, the

international economy has plunged to one of the

lowest depths in several decades.

236. Aggravating the situation is the serious

erosion of multilateral economic co-operation,

mainly through the regressive policies of some

developed countries, which run counter to the

basic goals and objectives of an increasingly

interdependent world.

237. The seemingly hopeful signs generated at

the Cancun and Versailles Economic Summits in

seeking a breakthrough in the stalemated global

negotiations have proved to be illusory. It has

to be acknowledged that there was indeed some

movement towards launching the global

negotiations through an enabling resolution.

However, the informal consultations so far have

regretfully not yielded any substantive

progress. My delegation endorses the search for

new initiatives to reach a consensus on some

crucial procedural issues. These efforts can be

successful only if some developed countries

demonstrate the political will to take positive

step towards an early launching of these

negotiations.

238. An important feature underlying the

economic system today is that of interdependence.

We believe that interdependence does not imply

only a mutuality of benefits for both the rich

and poor countries. It also means that the

self-sustained economic development of the

developing countries could contribute towards the

economic well-being of the developed countries.

239. We are pleased to note that there has

been a gradual increase of understanding by some

developed countries on the inevitability of

interdependence. It is our sincere hope that

these countries would be willing to undertake the

adjustments needed to achieve this concept.

240. We are convinced that piecemeal,

domestic- oriented and bilateral remedies for our

global problems are a futile exercise in a world

of increasing interdependence. Restructuring,

therefore, under the aegis of our universal body,

the United Nations, should no longer be deferred.

241. Having said that, I wish to emphasize

that this does not mean that the global

negotiations or the efforts to launch them should

in any way divert our attention from the ongoing

negotiations in other sectoral forums.

242. The restructuring of international trade

is a vital vehicle for achieving self-sustained

development. And above anything else, access to

markets is crucial. Regretfully, the escalation

of protectionist measures practiced by some

developed countries has seriously eroded the

efforts of the developing countries to expand

their exports. The sharp deterioration of their

terms of trade continues to aggravate their

already serious economic plight.

243. In this context, the forthcoming

ministerial meeting of GATT provides an excellent

opportunity and a historic turning point for the

establishment of fair international trading

practices. Such action is imperative for the

expansion of trade of the developing countries.

244. The sixth session of UNCTAD, scheduled

for late next spring at Belgrade, will, we

believe, be of crucial importance for remedying

the central problems and the current disruptions

in world trade and development which could lead

to the revival of the world economy. If, however,

the impasse continues with no concrete results

emerging from these important meetings, we will

once again be witnessing another lost chance in

which the international community will have

failed to grasp the opportunity for progress.

245. Given the slow pace of the North-South

negotiations, the measured progress of

collective self-reliance among developing

countries is more indispensable now than ever.

Indonesia is committed to this process, not only

because it is transforming the patterns of

development, but because it constitutes an

essential ingredient for the rapid advancement of

the developing countries.

246. In this connection, we endorse the

results of the meeting of the Intergovernmental

Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee on economic

co-operation among the developing countries held

in Manila in August. Its recommendation to start

negotiations on a global system of trade

preference among developing countries and the

development of food security reserves deserves

our particular attention. In our opinion, the

implementation of the global system of trade

preference, through a gradual approach, will

ultimately help the efforts for trade expansion

among developing countries.

247. In so far as co-operation on food

security reserves is concerned, we believe that

it can best be implemented through sub-regional

and regional arrangements, which could then be

extended on a world-wide scale. We in ASEAN have

initiated such an arrangement and are in the

process of trying to develop further the ASEAN

food security reserve co-operation.

230. Turning briefly now to some social aspects

of the United Nations activities, the

preparations for the International Youth Year in

1985, which are now in progress, are commendable.

An increased participation of non governmental

youth organizations in the International Youth

Year would greatly encourage them to share in the

responsibilities of solving global youth problems

and thereby help to promote world peace. Such an

exercise would also increase their ability to

participate in the national youth development

program. The Indonesian Government, therefore,

fully supports the Specific Programme of Measures

and Activities.

251. With reference to the status and role of

women, there is an increased recognition of their

contribution towards development as reflected in

the Mexico, World Plan of Action for the

Implementation of the Objectives of the

International Women-Year. This positive trend is

further stimulated by the adoption of the

Convention on the Elimination of AH Forms of

Discrimination against Women. We sincerely hone

that the 1985 World Conference on the United

Nations Decade for Women will be able to review

and appraise constructively the implementation of

the Plan of Action.

252. This year that has witnessed its abundant

share of world-wide turbulence and tragedy, and

the inca-pacity of the United Nations to prevent

them or to provide timely redress, and there is

always the temptation to lapse into cynicism and

disaffection. But the reforming impulse, the

hopes and yearnings of peoples everywhere for a

more peaceful, just and prosperous world order

based on the ideals and principles of the Charter

remain alive and cannot be quieted.

253. Indonesia remains convinced 'hat despite

its present inadequacies, the United Nations

still represents the best instrument to

transform these hopes into reality and to fashion

at least the minimum conditions for a better

life for all in the decades to come. Therefore,

if the Organization is to fulfill its role as the

focal point for the global management of the

critical problems of our time, it is imperative

that a new sense of purpose be instilled in its

mechanisms and procedures so as to prevent it

from degenerating into a sterile debating forum.

My delegation further believes that in this

effort the non-aligned movement to which

Indonesia belongs could and should make an

important contribution, both at the conceptual

level and in initiating concrete proposals, as it

has consistently done in the past on the global

issues of peace, security and international

economic co-operation.

254. In a rapidly changing world of disparate

interests and contending visions, the only

alternative to re-storing the United Nations as a

relevant organization capable of meeting the

challenges of our time is to allow an unmanaged

and uncontrollable slide into international chaos

and anarchy. As the Secretary-General has warned, we appear to be perilously close to that point.

255. Thus, for once, the task before us should

not be seen in terms of a demand by one side and

an act of generosity by the other. For it may not

be just our mutual interest that is at stake, but

our common survival, and none of us can afford to

evade this challenge and refuse to bear this

responsibility.