United Kingdom, 1982

Sir, I should like to begin by congratulating you on your election to

the presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly

and to offer you my best wishes in the tasks which lie ahead of you.

I should like, too, to join other speakers who have expressed their

gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Kittani, for his

distinguished efforts on behalf of the Assembly. It also gives me

particular pleasure to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, who in

his first year in office has shown admirable flair and discretion in

discharging his responsibilities. His dedication and integrity are

beyond praise. He has already brought the Organization much credit.

The United Nations could not be in better hands.

165. The maintenance of peace, the development of friendly

relations between States, the promotion of social and economic

progress and of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms

through international co-operation-these are the noble purposes for

which, under the Charter, the United Nations exists. Once more we

must assess how far those purposes have been achieved; we must

examine the problems facing the world community, and see how better

to realize our joint purposes. These purposes are by no means

exclusively political, and neither, of course, are the problems. The

daily lives of all our peoples are just as much affected by the

decisions we take and the progress we can make on economic, social,

humanitarian and commercial issues. The United Nations has rightly

involved itself in such questions as agricultural productivity,

energy and food programmes and population control. These are issues

to which Britain attaches great importance, as we do to international

economic matters, such as the role of the financial institutions and

the avoidance of protectionism and trade wars.

166. I do not intend today to deal comprehensively with all the

problems that confront us. That would make my speech intolerably

long. I would also be repeating much of what the Foreign Minister of

Denmark said at the 8th meeting in the name of the European Community

and its member States. I propose to concentrate today on questions of

peace and war. This year we have little cause for satisfaction, and

none for complacency. The world is no more peaceful than it was 12

months ago. On the contrary, new conflicts have arisen-several of

them. Old ones have worsened. Since the last session of the General

Assembly thousands of innocent lives have been lost. Hundreds of

thousands have been forced from their homes to swell the growing

flood of refugees. Countless others have witnessed the destruction of

their property and livelihood. Who is responsible for this misery and

waste on such an enormous scale? I do not think that the blame can be

laid in any way at the door of the United Nations system as such. The

Charter remains as valid today as when it was drawn up almost 40

years ago. Nor does the fault lie in the way in which the organs of

the United Nations are constituted.

167. The fault lies with us, the Member States. The

Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organization, has

drawn attention to the need for us to re-examine the way in which we

use the system we have inherited. I warmly endorse his thesis. We

have received his proposals with respect and will study them with

care. The Secretary-General has also emphasized the fundamental need

for Member States to recommit themselves to the Charter. Clearly, the

system cannot perform the tasks which the founders gave it when there

is so widespread a tendency for Member States to flout the

obligations they have assumed under the Charter. Time and again we

encounter the depressing fact that if a State is determined to resort

to force or to violate international law it is virtually impossible

to stop it. Wars arise not because of any failing on the part of the

United Nations system but because national ambitions and rivalries

prove stronger than respect for the principles of international law

and the Charter. The impotence of the United Nations in these

circumstances may seem to historians in the next century to be one of

the more extraordinary facts of contemporary international life. I

know that the Secretary-General is determined to do what he can to

improve the record. We for our part will do all we can to help him.

The first step must be to discard preconceptions and self-serving

analysis, and to look again at the roots of the problem.

168. What are the principles of the Charter whose violation is at

the heart of so many of our conflicts? First and foremost is the

requirement in Article 2 of the Charter to settle disputes by

peaceful means and to refrain from the unlawful use of force. As the

drafters of the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of

International Disputes, which is to be considered at this session

and, we hope, approved,^ have so aptly put it, neither the existence

of a dispute nor the failure of a procedure to settle it peacefully

can justify the use of force by any of the parties to it. Otherwise,

in a world where there are such disparities between nations, the

strong will inevitably batten on the weak and we shall all be subject

to the law of the jungle.

169. By extension of the same principle, terrorism, too, must be

rooted put. Terrorists can only discredit the causes for which they

claim to work. We will always listen to civilized advocacy. But

terrorism means the massacre of innocent people. Bombs planted in

crowded restaurants, airline passengers held hostage or sprayed with

gunfire, diplomatic personnel assassinated-this can be condoned by no

one. The international community should unite to condemn terrorists

and bring them to justice. To make exceptions is to spread the

scourge.

170. I therefore urge all those that have not already done so to sign

and ratify the Hague/ Montreal and Tokyo? Conventions concerning the

safety of civil aviation and the Conventions against the taking of

hostages and on crimes against internationally protected persons. And

I hope that those that have signed and ratified those Conventions

will do their utmost to carry them out.

171. A second basic principle of the United Nations is respect for

human rights, entrenched since 1948 in the Universal Declaration to

which we all subscribe. Respect for the Declaration is easy. What

remains is for us to ensure that its provisions are observed. That is

far harder. In many countries the spirit and the letter of the

Declaration are persistently and deliberate^ ignored. In recent years

the United Nations has made some limited progress in developing its

ability to respond to such situations. But all too often its

responses have been and remain pitifully inadequate.

172. Another of the basic principles is self-determination. It is

a principle whose implementation has preoccupied the Organization and

informed its proceedings ever since its inception. The right of all

peoples to self-determination is enshrined in the two International

Covenants on Human Rights and underlined in such important United

Nations documents as the Declaration of Principles of International

Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in

accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Indeed, the United

Nations has long since come to regard self-determination as not just

a principle but an inalienable right.

173. Self-determination is therefore fundamental to British foreign

policy. Thanks to our recognition of this right in regard to our own

dependencies, nearly 50 members of the General Assembly have taken

their places here. Never in the whole history of the world has there

been such a massive transfer of power, voluntarily and deliberately

undertaken. The legacy of our imperial past is not bitterness or

suspicion, but friendship and co-operation.

174. The achievements of the British in decolonization since the last

war have been our expression and application of the principle that we

have long supported in other parts of the world. To take one example,

early in the nineteenth century, Britain recognized the struggle of

the newly emerging Latin American nations for independence. We stood

by them and gave them support. We were among the first to realize the

justice of their aspirations, and we laid a basis of friendship and

mutual respect which has persisted to this day.

175. The example of Latin America showed the world that respect

for self-determination was the right and natural way to discharge

colonial responsibilities. Next year is the bicentenary of Simon

Bolivar, and I should like to pay a tribute to him and to the nations

which he brought to birth. Our relations with the countries of Latin

America which reflect that history have been and remain of great

importance to us.

176. This last year, Britain itself has been involved in a major

conflict, a conflict which we and our fellow members of the Security

Council tried strenuously to avert. On 1 April 1982 the President of

the Council, in the name of all its members, appealed to Britain and

Argentina to exercise the utmost restraint. Britain responded

positively to that appeal. The response of Argentina was a military

invasion of the Falkland Islands. Following an authoritative

determination by the Security Council the next day that Argentina's

invasion of the Falklands had created a breach of the peace, and a

mandatory demand by the Council in its resolution 502 (1982) that

Argentina withdraw, we went to every conceivable length to avoid

having to resort to force in self-defence.

177. The Security Council thus sought first to deter Argentina

from aggression and then to induce it to withdraw. The efforts of the

United Nations-the efforts of the Security Council and of the

Secretary-General himself-to achieve a peaceful settlement had the

full, active and whole-hearted support of the British Government.

They failed through Argentine obduracy.

178. Throughout our campaign to repossess the Islands, we took

immense care to act strictly within the framework of the Charter, at

each point reporting our actions to the Security Council. The force

we used in self-defence under Article 51 was the minimum necessary to

remove Argentina's occupying forces. We made it clear that in so

acting we were showing our absolute determination to implement to the

full our obligations towards the populations of our dependent

Territories under Article 73. We will not be deflected from that

determination and I make that quite clear.

179. By liberating the people of the Falklands from alien

domination, we were also standing up for the right of a small but

authentic people to determine how they should be governed and how

they should live. Our tragic losses in men and ships were

considerable, but we were able to prove that in some cases, given the

will and the courage and the professionalism required, aggression

does not pay.

180. The Argentine invasion took place when negotiations in good

faith were actually in train between Britain and Argentina. We were

talking round the table with the Argentines at the time. Suddenly and

brutally they decided upon a military invasion. That flagrant

violation of the principles of the non-use of force and the peaceful

settlement of disputes has radically altered the situation. It will

be difficult indeed to revive our confidence in Argentine intentions.

It will take a long time. Why, even now, has Argentina not accepted

the definitive cessation of the hostilities which it so mistakenly

initiated? Is it not for Argentina to prove that it has renounced any

thought of using force? Is it not for Argentina to demonstrate

respect for the right of self-determination, including the right of

the Falklanders? Will Argentina now abide by the principles of the

United Nations and the precepts of international law? Those are the

questions which must be answered if confidence is to be rebuilt.

181. But the Falklands dispute, though it loomed large for

Britain, is far from being the only example of defiance by Members of

fundamental United Nations principles. It is certainly far from being

the most costly in lives. The region which has suffered most from war

over the past year has undoubtedly again been the Near and Middle

East.

182. The Israeli invasion of Lebanon has been horrifyingly

destructive and has taken a terrible toll of innocent life. Israel

has legitimate security concerns, but the operation undertaken

against Lebanon went far beyond the requirements of Israeli security

and was pursued in defiance of the explicit demands of the Security

Council. Force was used disproportionately and relentlessly, and in

the process the Lebanese people and Palestinian civilians have paid a

cruel price. It does not require much imagination to realize the

bitterness and resentment they must feel.

183. At the heart of the issue is the Palestinian people's right

to self-determination and their aspiration for a land of their own in

the West Bank and Gaza. Only by reconciling that right with Israel's

right to a peaceful existence within its own borders will there be a

lasting end to this appalling conflict. I believe -and we must

certainly hope-that a significant proportion of people in Israel and

the Arab world are now convinced that war is not the answer and are

prepared to compromise for peace. Experience does not encourage us

here, but the proposals put forward by President Reagan and by the

Arab heads of State have created a new opportunity and a new outlook

for negotiations which none of us can afford to see wasted. The

choice lies with the peoples of the region but they are going to want

and to need all the help the rest of us can give them.

184. The conflict between Iran and Iraq has equally been ruthless

and bloody. It has cost many thousands of lives. Obviously it has

seriously endangered the stability of a crucial region of the world

vital to the interests of many countries outside. Surely by now both

sides must accept that further conflict is fruitless. As so often in

war, both sides have been the losers. To prolong the conflict will

only increase the suffering of their own peoples.

185. Although the Middle East has recently held the main focus, we

must not forget that the same principles are involved in other areas.

It is now nearly three years since the Soviet Union mounted its

massive military invasion of Afghanistan. The General Assembly has

three times cried out for the self-determination of the Afghan people

to be respected, cries which have been cynically ignored by the

Soviet Union. No one knows how many people have been killed; no one

knows how many villages have been destroyed or how much the lives of

innocent people have been disrupted. All those facts are suppressed,

and people can well understand why. What we do know is that some 3

million refugees have fled their country, imposing an enormous burden

on its neighbours. Pakistan's impressive and generous handling of

this problem deserves our admiration. We also know that the Afghan

people continue to resist the imposition by Soviet arms of a regime

they do not want. What a crime against humanity war is, and what a

blot upon our collective record.

186. Then, in Kampuchea, an unrepresentative regime is also kept

in power by the armed forces of its larger neighbour; in this case

the invader was Viet Nam. The regime was imposed by military invasion

more than three years ago. All the efforts of the United Nations and

the neighbouring countries of the Association of South-East Asian

Nations-which we have whole-heartedly supported-have so far failed to

move the Vietnamese from their insistence on maintaining by force in

Kampuchea a regime to suit their own interests. The recent formation

of a coalition of Kampuchean resistance forces could prove a

significant step towards a comprehensive political solution based on

self-determination, and we wish it well. As in the case of

Afghanistan, Britain will continue to work with every other

freedom-loving country for a just solution to this dispute and to

ensure that these continuing injustices are not forgotten.

187. And the same is true concerning Poland. As a European country

Britain has been profoundly concerned with events in Poland. The

struggle in that unhappy country may on the face of it seem to some a

domestic problem. But of course it is far more than that. This time

last year the Polish people were seeking peacefully to liberalize and

reform their society under a regime that was originally imposed on

them from outside-and incidentally, with no consultation and no

reference to their rights of self-determination. Since then, with

full Soviet encouragement and support, the Polish regime has taken

deliberate steps to crush the hopes of the people for a freer and

more just society. No freedom-loving person, no true democrat, no one

with any feeling for human rights can fail to be concerned that a

wave of oppression has once again swept across that long-suffering

country and its valiant and noble people. We shall continue to call

on the Polish authorities to fulfil their undertaking to return to

the path of renewal and reform, and we shall continue to urge and

press the Soviet Union to allow the peoples under their tutelage to

develop in ways more in accordance with their natural traditions and

aspirations and. in accordance with the principles of the Charter of

the United Nations.

188. By contrast it is a relief to be able to record that in one

of the world's major disputes progress has been made recently towards

a settlement based on a Security Council resolution. I am glad that

Britain, as a member of the contact group, has been able to

contribute towards progress over a settlement in Namibia. For

progress there has undoubtedly been. Although it is premature to

assume that the many obstacles in the path of Namibian independence

will all be overcome, it is not, I think, too much of hope that the

people of Namibia may soon have the opportunity to determine their

own future and to do so in elections held under United Nations

supervision. If a solution can be achieved in this way in Namibia it

will indeed be a success to chalk up for persistent and patient

diplomacy backed by the United Nations. I should like to pay a

tribute to the constructive way in which the parties to the dispute

and the front-line States have approached these lengthy and delicate

negotiations.

189. A settlement in Namibia, if it can be added to that in

Zimbabwe, would provide further proof that the complex problems of

that troubled region of Africa can be solved through peaceful means

rather than conflict and violence. There is no need for further lives

to be lost. We hope for peaceful evolution within South Africa itself

and the emergence there of a form of government based on the consent

of the South African people as a whole.

190. I should also like to welcome signs of progress in another

region where the United Nations has long been directly involved,

namely Korea. We are encouraged by the positive attitude to contacts

with the North shown by the Government of the Republic of Korea. This

should contribute to the prospects for a lasting solution to the

Korean question based on genuine understanding.

191. There are many Member States which are not directly involved

in any of the problems I have touched on. But there are some

international issues which affect us all. One of them is disarmament.

I want to say that the British Government remains fully committed to

the pursuit of realistic, balanced and verifiable arms control and

disarmament measures in both nuclear and conventional forces which

will promote peace with freedom and security at a lesser cost.

192. The second special session on disarmament did serve to

concentrate the minds of world leaders on this subject. But it was a

forum for stimulus and review, not negotiation. The straight talking

and the hard work has to be done in the negotiations taking place

elsewhere, in talks on strategic arms, intermediate-range nuclear

forces, mutual and balanced force reductions and chemical weapons.

193. Britain's principal purpose, the principal purpose of the

United Nations, is peace. In the absence of a world-wide will for

peace, it can be achieved only if each and every member of the

international community respects the principles of the Charter. All

Members of the United Nations bear a heavy responsibility to remember

that it is an organization designed to preserve the peace. To use it

as a forum for ideological rhetoric is to undermine the respect in

which it should be held and to diminish its capacity to fulfil its

purpose.

194. I referred earlier to the importance my Government attaches

to international economic co-operation. Our record speaks for itself.

I wish that that were true of all who orate on the subject in this

Hall. To say that this co-operation presents a moral challenge is not

new. But the concept gains force in face of the current painful

realities of the world economy, with growth barely visible, inflation

a persisting plague, and unemployment still rising. For developed

countries these problems have been serious; for developing countries

they can be devastating.

193. So today it is more than ever in the mutual interest of

developed and developing countries to pull together. Renewed stable

growth in the world economy, the balanced and reciprocal development

of world trade, the social and economic well-being of the developing

countries, especially the low-income countries, are in the general

and the particular interest alike. Cur conviction that current

problems need to be tackled positively is underlined by the United

Kingdom's strong support for IDA and the recent release of our third

instalment for the sixth replenishment of IDA, our continuing support

for an open world trading system, our resistance to protectionist

measures, and our maintenance of a high level of official development

assistance and essential private capital flows. I fully associate

myself with the remarks of the distinguished Foreign Minister of

Denmark, who spoke at the 8th meeting on behalf of the 10 member

States of the European Community. North-South matters require a

continuing commitment from all of us.

196. Britain's foreign policy is firmly based on respect for the

principles which I have been talking about today. We sha31 continue

to strive for the maintenance of peace, acid we shall work for that

with all our friends and allies in all parts of the world, in this

search for peace there is no place for make-believe or deceit. Unless

we face up to the issues involved in each conflict and in each

disagreement squarely, unless we decide to face them together with a

will to resolve them without recourse to violence or war, we will

never be successful.

197. So let us go forward from here now, with dedication and

realism, to work together for the peace which the billions and

billions of people we here represent long for.