United Kingdom, 2013

In my lifetime, the

world has been sliced up and labelled in many different

ways: East and West; communism and capitalism;

North and South; Christian and Muslim; developed

and developing, and so on. But as we meet today, the

most important fault line is not one of geography, or

ideology, or religion, or wealth; it is the divide between

those societies which are open and those which are

closed. Open societies choose democracy and freedom

at home, and engagement and responsibility abroad.

Closed societies suppress the liberty of their citizens,

draw a veil across their actions and withdraw from our

shared international life.

We must be honest — the forces of insularity and

isolationism have gained momentum in recent years.

Discrediting democracy feels easier. Authoritarian

States point enthusiastically at the ongoing fallout of

the 2008 financial crisis — proof, they say, of a broken

Western model. They feel vindicated; their citizens

may be less free, but their growth rates outstrip those

in the West. At the same time, in many of the States

affected by the financial crash, austerity has given rise

to a period of introspection. The impulse is to turn

inwards rather than face outwards.

And so a crisis of confidence has threatened to take

hold in parts of the developed world. It is not surprising

to hear some argue that liberal democracy has had

its day and that our multilateral system is becoming

obsolete. But those who make these claims are wrong.

They are drawing the wrong conclusions from recent

events.

The real lesson of the past five years has been

the remarkable resilience of open societies and the

acute need for international cooperation in today’s

world. Liberal democracies in Europe and across the

Atlantic have weathered profound economic difficulty.

The eurozone did not fall over, as many said it would.

By working together, disaster was averted and the

sovereign debt crisis is being managed.

In Europe we have maintained stability at a time of

great upheaval because, for the most part, our citizens

have expressed their frustration peacefully and through

the ballot box. And where there has been unrest, mature

democracies have managed it with relative success. And

so, just as the events of recent years have revealed the

weaknesses of some Western economies, they have also

underscored the great strength of open societies — the

ability to evolve and adapt. Open societies do not fear

change, and in the twenty-first century such openness

to reform is critical to lasting stability and success.

Democracy, free speech, participation, equality

before the law, the right to peaceful protest, the right

to be educated, the chance to work — these are not

Western values; they are the political and economic

freedoms sought by citizens everywhere, and they

are gaining force in every country around the globe.

Governments that ignore them are fighting a losing

battle. Democracy did not fail in Egypt; a single set of

elections failed. Egypt now needs to return to the path

of inclusive democracy. The democratic urge remains

as strong among the people as it was when they first

rejoiced in Tahrir Square.

In other parts of the region, while the picture is

mixed, important progress has been made. In Libya, the

General National Congress is working towards elections

in early 2014. Morocco has a new Constitution and, for

the first time, a Prime Minister elected by Parliament.

Although difficult challenges remain, Yemen has chosen

reconciliation, dialogue and democracy over violence.

Tunisia is also focused on building a new democracy

and economic growth, with progress towards a new

Constitution, and further elections expected in 2014.

Yes, these nations will undergo more turbulence.

That is certain. Well-functioning democracy cannot

emerge overnight, be exported from the West or

dropped on a country from 8,000 feet — that much we

have learnt from the failures of the past. Developing

the culture and institutions needed — the rule of law,

plural politics, human rights — is a painstaking process

for every country involved, and it requires strategic

patience from the rest of the world.

But while the road to democracy is difficult, the

direction of travel is set. Everywhere we look, people

are standing together against discrimination and for

equality; against oppression and for liberty. A wave

of openness has emerged, transcending borders and

cultures. Men and women of every creed, faith and

colour are calling for fair opportunities and demanding

to be heard.

The United Kingdom is clear. We are on the side of

all those who support political freedom and economic

empowerment. There will be no pulling up of the

drawbridge from us; no heading into retreat. We will

resist any impulse to turn our back on the world.

In North Africa and the Middle East, we are

helping States put in place the building blocks for their

democracies. Whether by training Libyan officials to

supervise fair elections, or supporting a free media by

training journalists in Morocco, these are the nuts and

bolts of successful democratic transition.

We are also supporting these countries’ economies

through our stewardship of the Group of Eight

Deauville Partnership this year, leading efforts to boost

trade and investment in the region, helping small- and

medium-sized enterprises and, crucially, promoting

greater participation by women. And we have kept the

political spotlight on the need to return assets stolen by

the former regimes in those countries.

In Syria, our priority is to help bring about a

political settlement. The foundations for a settlement

were agreed in Geneva last year — establishing, on

the basis of mutual consent, a transitional governing

body with full executive powers. We are in close touch

with our partners about convening a second Geneva

conference as soon as possible. No meaningful political

solution can occur without the moderate Syrian

opposition. We recognize the Syrian National Coalition

as the legitimate representatives of the Syrian people,

and we recognize their commitments to the Geneva

process and to building a secular, democratic and

pluralist Syria that ensures equal rights for all.

On the issue of chemical weapons in Syria, on

21 August the Al-Assad regime committed a war

crime under international humanitarian law, launching

a large-scale chemical-weapon attack on its own

people — the first attack on this scale for 25 years and

88 years after such weapons were universally banned.

As President Obama said here on Tuesday (see A/68/

PV.5), it is an insult to human reason to suggest that

the regime was not responsible for that war crime.

The international community must react, and react

in unison. That is why we hope to adopt later today a

Security Council resolution establishing binding legal

obligations on the Syrian regime for the removal and

destruction of Syria’s vast chemical-weapons arsenal.

On Wednesday, I announced that the United Kingdom

would provide a further $160 million of humanitarian

support for the Syrian people, bringing total United

Kingdom funding to $800 million — £500 million — our

biggest-ever response to a humanitarian crisis, much of

which is aimed at helping the many children caught up

in this tragic conflict.

The world has raised close to $1 billion of

humanitarian support this month, and I hope that others

will step up and contribute. Most importantly, I call on

all parties inside Syria to allow humanitarian agencies

to operate without hindrance or the threat of violence.

Unless that urgent humanitarian access is given, no

amount of money can alleviate the scale of the Syrian

people’s suffering.

I welcome President Rouhani’s comments on

Tuesday that he wants a constructive engagement

between Iran and the rest of the world and that he

wants to engage immediately in time-bound talks on

the nuclear issue. Those are encouraging words which I

very much hope are matched with genuine action. I am

pleased that negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme

will restart in October. If Iran’s words are followed by

concrete steps, then there is a real opportunity to make

progress in resolving the serious international concerns

about Iran’s nuclear programme. We also look to a more

constructive approach from Iran in helping resolve the

crisis in Syria, and we have made clear to Iran that we are

ready, as the United Kingdom Government, to improve

our relationship on a step-by-step and reciprocal basis.

One thing that would fundamentally transform the

Middle East is a conclusive two-State agreement to end

the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — an agreement based

on 1967 borders with agreed land swaps that leads

to a sovereign and viable Palestinian State living in

peace alongside a safe and secure Israel, a universally

recognized Palestine alongside a universally recognized

Israel.

I commend the dedicated efforts of Secretary

Kerry and the courageous leadership of Prime Minister

Netanyahu and President Abbas, which have enabled

direct peace talks to resume. I sincerely hope that both

parties will make every effort to keep talks going,

including a halt in the building of new settlements. The

international community must fully support the parties

as they make the difficult decisions that are necessary

for achieving a lasting peace. Britain stands ready to

play its part.

As we wind up our military operations in

Afghanistan, the United Kingdom continues to work

with the Afghan Government to ensure a successful

transition. The Afghan National Security Forces are now

leading on security and continue to grow in confidence

and capability. That is a significant achievement. In the

United Kingdom, we recognize the serious challenges

still ahead for Afghanistan, but we strongly believe that

there is room for optimism about the country’s long-

term future. This is a crucial time for Afghan men,

women and children, as they prepare for elections in

2014, which must be credible, transparent and inclusive.

Poverty is as great a threat to stability and freedom

as are conflict and oppression. Thus, despite the strain

on our finances, the United Kingdom has met its target

to spend 0.7 per cent of its gross national income on

development assistance. We are the only country in

the Group of 20 (G-20) to have done so. Following the

global economic crisis, we said we would not balance

our books on the backs of the world’s poorest and we

have held true to our word.

On Monday, we announced that we would provide

$1.6 billion to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,

Tuberculosis and Malaria. That is 10 per cent of the

Fund’s replenishment, so long as others join.

Women and girls remain at the heart of our

development agenda. They are the key to economic

growth, so investing in girls’ education is the single

most effective thing we can do to break the cycle of

poverty. We must end gender inequality, which is the

root of violence against women. That ambition is at

the heart of the United Kingdom’s initiative to end

sexual violence in conflict, and I would encourage all

States that have yet to do so to endorse the Declaration

of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict.

Over 115 States are already committed; we are sending

a message to the victims of those devastating crimes

that they are not alone and that their attackers will be

punished.

We have also used our presidency of the Group

of Eight (G-8) to focus on three areas where we can

support global prosperity — boosting trade, ensuring

better transparency to help developing nations benefit

from resources that are rightfully theirs, and cracking

down on tax evasion and closing tax loopholes. That

was just the start of our work on that agenda, and we

are pleased that the United Kingdom’s trade, tax and

transparency priorities have been fully reflected in

agreements reached by the G-20, including extending

the commitment to resist protectionist measures by

a further two years to the end of 2016, so that trade

remains as free and open as possible.

Whether it be in the G-8, the G-20, the European

Union, NATO or the Commonwealth, or as one of the

five permanent members of the Security Council, the

United Kingdom will continue to be an active and

engaged player in the world. The biggest problems we

face are problems we share.

Take climate change, for example — the report issued

this morning by the United Nations Intergovernmental

Panel on Climate Change confirms that sea levels are

already rising and that ice is melting faster than we had

expected. The report is an authoritative rebuke to all

those who persist in claiming that man-made climate

change does not exist. The United Kingdom will

continue to cut our emissions and give over $6 billion

to assist developing countries to do the same and adapt

to environmental changes.

But if we are to halt the devastating effects of

climate change, we must listen to the science, act now

and act together. We thus welcome the Secretary-

General’s announcement of a leaders’ summit next year

as a key step towards all nations agreeing to a deal in

2015 to take action to avert the crisis.

We are all affected by the scourge of terrorism.

Whether it is a soldier brutally murdered on a quiet

London street or innocent shoppers gunned down in a

busy Nairobi mall, we are all vulnerable. Following the

recent horrific events in Nairobi, the United Kingdom

is working closely with the Governments of Kenya,

Somalia and countries across the region to tackle the

issue. Our global response to terrorism must be robust,

intelligent and cover all those areas where our work

together can make a genuine difference. Alone we can

take small steps forward, but together we can take giant

leaps.

That much was clear earlier this year when we

signed the world’s first Arms Trade Treaty (resolution

67/234 B) to better regulate the global sale of weapons.

The United Kingdom is proud of the role we played in

delivering it, and we urge any countries that have not

signed it to do so. The Treaty reminds us that, with

enough political will, we can come together and do the

previously unthinkable, and that should embolden us to

do still more.

The United Nations has many virtues, but it also has

serious shortcomings that must be faced. The United

Nations has no greater friend than the United Kingdom,

but it does not adequately reflect the world we live in

today. The Security Council must be reformed. Unless

more room is made at the top table, it will fast become

an anachronism, a relic of a different time. That is why

the United Kingdom continues to support permanent

seats for Brazil, India, Germany and Japan, and

permanent African representation, too. We call on all

States to play their part in this forum, and in our other

international institutions, just as we will play ours.

We are at our best when we engage constructively

with one another and when we are ambitious in

pursuing our shared goals. That is as important for

those countries whose economies and influence have

grown and transformed over more recent years as it

is for the old, established Powers. Greater influence

means greater responsibility. The world is a better place

because Brazil is taking a lead in tackling deforestation,

because Mexico has enshrined climate-change targets

into law, because the Republic of Korea is leading the

way on nuclear security.

But there is much more to do; there are many more

areas where we need to take the lead. A global trade deal

to cut bureaucracy at borders — the subject of a World

Trade Organization meeting that will take place in

Bali in early December — would mean a trillion-dollar

boost for the global economy.

In the next two years, the United Kingdom wants

to do as much as it can to drive progress on the United

Nations Millennium Development Goals, and we are

also working in the United Nations and with civil

society to set out a post-2015 agenda that is even

more ambitious. There can be no greater goal than to

eradicate extreme poverty, leaving no one behind.

On these and all other issues facing our nations, we

are quite simply stronger together than we are apart.

Now more than ever, we must fend off the forces of

insularity and isolationism, stand up for our values and

look out to the world. That is what the United Kingdom

will do. We stand ready to work with all others who will

do the same.