Eritrea, 1997

Allow me at the outset, Sir,

to congratulate you on your election as President of the

fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Eritrea joins

in the expressions of recognition of your attributes by

previous speakers. You are presiding over an Assembly

session that will be remembered for focusing not only on

crucial international issues but also on the reform of our

Organization. While wishing you success in your

leadership, I also assure you of the full support and

cooperation of the Eritrean delegation.

I also seize this opportunity to pay tribute to the

Permanent Representative of Malaysia, His Excellency

Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the way he conducted the

work of the fifty-first session, and to thank him for his far-

sighted proposal on the reform of the Security Council.

Likewise, I wish to extend sincere gratitude to the new

Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan,

for the efficient and dynamic way he is discharging his

duties.

We are meeting at a critical juncture of history. After

almost 50 years the dark and ominous clouds of world

conflict no longer loom threateningly over the horizon.

Those grim days are over. In the last few years we have

taken great strides towards making the world safer for

future generations.

The road to disarmament has been made easier with

the signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty

(CTBT) by 146 world leaders in 1996. The world has also

accelerated efforts to eliminate anti-personnel landmines.

More importantly, there seem to be clear indications of a

great change in values, attitudes and perceptions which will

foster the creation of cooperative relationships among the

States of the world, thus promoting new perspectives of

common policies to solve mutual problems.

True, we should, at the same time, remember that old

and new conflicts continue to plague the world. Thus,

destabilizing factors such as the marginalization of nations

and peoples, transnational crimes, the use of violence and

the threat of violence as instruments of national policy

still haunt our planet. In addition, old and new conflicts

in Europe, Asia and Africa seem to threaten or reverse

the global gains achieved in the last few years. It is hoped

that these will be the exceptions rather than the rule and,

as relics of the past, will be swept away in the near

future. In this respect, it is encouraging to note that the

Security Council held, during the second week of the

General Assembly, an unprecedented ministerial meeting

on the security situation in Africa. This will encourage the

United Nations to play a more meaningful and credible

role in supporting regional initiatives to solve regional

conflicts.

Thus, perhaps for the first time, there is an

opportunity to undertake a common, realistic and critical

reappraisal of our involvement in world affairs and to

come to an agreement on the role of the United Nations.

The Members of the United Nations, both old and new,

must welcome this opportunity to demonstrate their

readiness to tackle these new global problems and the full

intent of the contribution they can make to empower the

United Nations to become a strong and relevant force in

international relations.

In recent years, there have been persistent requests

for a change in the structure and mission of the United

Nations. There is undoubtedly need for reform. The most

obvious reason is the fact that today the Organization

remains essentially the same entity that was created over

50 years ago in San Francisco. Its membership has more

than tripled since then, with at least two dozen new States

joining since 1990. Yet, its structure remains essentially

the same. Also, the problems that face the world are so

radically different that there is a dire need for the

reorganization of priorities in the Organization’s mission.

Although it is true that different States, or groups of

States, will have different perceptions of what needs to be

changed, the following are, in the opinion of my

delegation, the most important issues that must be taken

into consideration if change is to be meaningful and

credible.

First, there are only two major challenges

confronting the world today: development and security.

These are, of course, interdependent. It is evident that

there will not be any development without peace. Yet,

without development that improves the livelihood of

people, the task of guaranteeing peace will be extremely

difficult. The assaults on these two problems must be

made simultaneously, and all of our actions should be

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taken with an eye to solving both. Hitherto, emphasis has

been on security to the detriment of development, with

catastrophic results. Since the reason for this disparity,

namely the cold war, no longer exists, it should not be too

difficult to put a little more emphasis on development.

Lately, however, there has been a growing emphasis on the

political rather than the economic aspects of

development — that is, on democracy and human rights.

True, people everywhere are clamouring for the right to be

free from dictatorships and to participate meaningfully in

decisions which affect their lives, and they must be strongly

supported in this. However, it must also be realized that the

meaning of human rights and democracy is being

challenged and questioned, and they are being given

different interpretations. Whatever the case, any effort to

apply standards of democracy and human rights, however

defined, will not be successful unless the root causes of

underdevelopment and poverty are effectively addressed.

Any reform of the United Nations should, therefore,

empower it to promote sustained economic growth in

developing countries even more energetically. Only this will

help to develop good governance, that is, democracy and

human rights and stability, and will militate against inter-

and intra-State conflicts.

Secondly, the United Nations belongs to all of its

Members. Thus, the increased participation of all of its

Members in its activities is a right that must be exercised

to safeguard against the arbitrary abuse of its powers and

functions. Such a development would enhance

immeasurably its effectiveness as a guarantor of peace. It

is hardly possible to speak sincerely of a universal

organization whose major decisions, taken by a few, will be

binding upon the rest of the world. It is no longer

acceptable to the rest of the world that a relatively small

number of States, even after the proposed increase of

membership in its major decision-making organs, should, in

the name of international peace and security, dictate the

agenda of the United Nations or impose a system of

international conduct. Indeed, it is sad to note that the same

countries that make democracy a condition in their foreign

policies are adamant about maintaining an elite club of

States in the consideration of Security Council membership.

In any case, any future system must eschew cold-war

doctrines and principles and give equal emphasis to social

justice. Peace and justice are interrelated and cannot be

mutually exclusive. There is thus no longer any excuse to

deny equitable representation in the major organs of the

Organization and undemocratically to deprive States of the

opportunity to participate in the making of decisions which

will affect their destinies and the welfare of their peoples.

The United Nations will be in danger of being

marginalized if it does not take into account the needs

and aspirations of most of its Members and does not build

trust between its Members, big and small, rich and poor,

weak and strong. It can build such trust and mutual

confidence only if it makes sure that democratic norms

and principles are accepted and practised by all its

Members.

Thirdly, this is the age of decentralization. Whenever

possible, therefore, the United Nations must create the

appropriate modalities to enable regional organizations to

assume tasks which they will be able to execute more

effectively. To this end, the General Assembly must take

the necessary steps to ensure a relevant role for regional

and even subregional organizations, without losing its

leadership role or eliminating its support.

Fourthly, the urgency of reform is recognized, but it

would be counterproductive to rush into decisions whose

implications we shall live to regret. Those who resent the

veto power of the five permanent members of the

Security Council would be well advised to take the time,

and to allow others to take the necessary time, to study

issues before they make final decisions on such weighty

matters.

Since its independence in 1993, Eritrea has

embarked on a course of nation-building, reconstruction

and renewal. In this endeavour, we were inspired by the

eternal ideas of our struggle, which enshrines justice,

equity, human rights and equal opportunity to all,

including, in particular, hitherto marginalized groups.

In the last six years — for we liberated our country

two years prior to our declaration of formal

independence — we have taken the necessary measures

to establish a regime of peace and marked stability in a

region of the world in which they have been absent for

several decades; consolidate our profoundly democratic

tradition of struggle by adopting a new constitution and

holding our first democratic regional elections; create a

development-oriented State and government structure;

ensure a corruption-free society; build schools and health

facilities in most regions of our country; and formulate an

economic and financial policy which fosters an

environment that encourages investment and has thus

made our country a new frontier of widely expanding

opportunities. These policies have yielded good political,

economic and social dividends that have enabled us to

look to the future with hope and optimism.

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In our foreign relations, we have been guided by two

basic principles. The first is our deep conviction that, where

there is goodwill, all can be resolved through peaceful

negotiation without recourse to violence. A natural corollary

of this belief is the firm conviction that all States,

regardless of their ideological orientation, can live together

in peace. This tenet underlies Eritrean foreign policy and

has guided its relations with all the countries of the two

regions — the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa — in which

it is located.

This has enabled it to establish an exemplary, close tie

of friendship with Ethiopia, our erstwhile adversary. These

close relations and friendship have widely manifested

themselves over the last four years as we have coordinated

activities in the political, economic and social fields. It has

also helped us to defuse conflict and to arrive at a mutual

agreement to resolve the conflict between us and the

Republic of Yemen over the Eritrean Hanish-Zukar

archipelago on the Red Sea by the peaceful means of

arbitration. The State of Eritrea has time and again affirmed

its adherence to the Agreement of principles of 21 May

1996 and expressed its commitment to abide by the

decisions of the Arbitration Tribunal. Since both parties

have committed themselves to abide by the decision of the

Arbitration Tribunal, my Government feels that the dispute

is already solved.

Unfortunately, even the best of goodwill and intentions

could not help avert bad relations with our other neighbour,

the Sudan, which is bent on conducting a bad-neighbour

policy, is at odds with almost all of its neighbours and with

others beyond, and has, because of its avowed policy of

exporting terrorism abroad, become an international pariah.

The second pillar of Eritrean foreign policy is an

unswerving devotion to justice and equity. This policy

emanates from Eritrea’s subjection to the horrors of

aggression and colonization at the height of the cold war.

At that time, our pleas to the United Nations and the

international community fell on deaf ears. Because of this,

we are convinced that there are no substitutes for justice

and equality for the purpose of ensuring the maintenance of

peace in the world. These, too, have influenced our search

for friendship and cooperation with our neighbours as well

as with other States. They have also underlined our efforts

to bring peace and stability to our region and to achieve an

early end to the fratricidal conflict in Somalia, a just and

fair resolution of the Sudanese conflict, and the

development of economic, commercial and political

relations among countries of the region.

The conflict that has ravaged the Sudan for about

two decades must be brought to an end. The absence of

peace in the Sudan has had severe consequences for most

of its neighbours. Thus, they have a substantial interest in

the restoration of lasting peace, security and stability in

the Sudan.

To this end, those of its neighbours which are

members of the Intergovernmental Authority on

Development (IGAD) have, both collectively and

individually, exerted much effort during the past seven

years to promote an inter-Sudanese peace process. None

of the members of IGAD has an interest other than

ushering in peace in the Sudan. All have favoured and

encouraged dialogue, compromise and tolerance. They

were convinced that peace could be achieved on the basis

of the Declaration of Principles formulated by IGAD after

a serious assessment of the objective reality prevailing in

the country. It is regrettable that until last month the

Sudanese regime had done all it could to subvert the

peace process it had willingly accepted. It has now

accepted the Declaration of Principles. We hope it will

respect its commitment and implement the provisions of

that Declaration. If and when it does, it will bring our

initiative to a successful conclusion and usher in peace

and stability in the Sudan.

I also wish to refer to the efforts made by IGAD

concerning the tragic situation which still exists in

Somalia. It will be recalled that the members of IGAD

have both collectively and individually expressed deep

concern that this grave situation has continued for many

years and that no workable solution has yet been found.

Many attempts to bring the concerned parties to the

negotiating table have failed. Where they have succeeded,

no agreement could be achieved. Where agreements have

been reached, they have been broken soon after.

In the global context, my country is fully convinced

that international cooperation is of vital importance. To

ensure sustainable development, Eritrea has been engaged

in fostering regional integration and international

cooperation because it is firmly aware of the importance

of partnership in development. Eritrea believes that

partnership can be ensured only when independence of

choice and recognition of equality and mutuality exist.

We in Eritrea are convinced that the world will

benefit from a strong, purposeful and dynamic United

Nations. We will therefore contribute, however modestly,

to the creation of the conditions necessary to make it a

real force which will ensure international peace and

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security that is broadly defined and premised on

development.

We note with great interest and welcome the

Secretary-General’s proposals for reform. We are studying

them with care. We fully endorse the values and principles

underlying the objectives of reform, as enunciated in the

Secretary-General’s address to the current Assembly,

particularly his reference to the new paradigms of

cooperation.

Today, I assure the General Assembly of our

commitment to the United Nations and to its new principles

and purposes and its vision of a new world, as well as its

sincere commitment to promoting genuine peace and

development and defending the cause of small, weak States

and vulnerable peoples. One would think that a nation like

Eritrea — which had been systematically betrayed by the

United Nations during the past four decades — would have

second thoughts about committing itself to the

Organization. However, we always believed that there was

nothing wrong with the message of the United Nations, and

we had subscribed to it even in our days of struggle. Surely

we cannot blame the message for the shortsightedness of

the messengers. We urge others who share our feelings to

join us in giving the Organization the wholehearted support

it now deserves and needs if it is going to be as effective

as we wish it to be.