Germany, 1993

Please accept my warm

congratulations, Sir, on your election as President of the

General Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I wish you

luck and success in your high office. At the same time, I

extend a cordial welcome to the new Members of our

Organization.

Addressing the Assembly 20 years ago, Willy Brandt

said that the Federal Republic of Germany’s purpose in

joining the United Nations was to help serve the cause of

world peace. That has always been, and will remain, the

fundamental aim of German foreign policy. At that time, in

a bipolar world, Germany was divided. In that year, 1973,

the October war broke out in the Middle East. In South

Africa the inhuman apartheid regime was dominant. Today

my country is united in peace and harmony with our

neighbours. Today we can congratulate Israel, the Palestine

Liberation Organization (PLO) and neighbouring Arab

countries on a historic breakthrough. Today the policy of

apartheid has been overcome. Without the resolve to seek

peace, these developments would not have been possible.

World peace, which appears to have come closer as

bipolarity has receded, must not remain an unfulfilled vision.

The international community’s desire for peace led to the

founding of the United Nations after the Second World War.

It remains our moral and political obligation to fulfil that

legacy. There can be no more important task. In the quest

for peace we are faced with a new challenge and a new

danger, but we also have a historic opportunity.

We are faced with the great challenge of overcoming

hunger and poverty around the world, of preserving the

natural sources of life, and of creating the foundations for a

long-term global population policy. When people have to

leave their native lands, when human rights are violated,

there can be no peace. Peace is not merely the silence of

guns. Hence, economic and social challenges must be very

high on the global agenda. The world is deeply unjust. The

distribution of mankind’s opportunities is woefully unequal.

This we should not tolerate.

The danger confronting us is that peace in many parts

of the world is threatened by new conflicts, especially those

of an ethnic nature. The continuing proliferation of modern

weapons and weapon technology increases the destructive

potential of these conflicts.

Our opportunity, after the end of the East-West

confrontation, is to develop the United Nations into what its

founding fathers intended it to be: the principal guardian of

peace. In performing that role the United Nations must have

the support of the numerous other international organizations

that are functioning successfully today.

I truly believe that we can master the economic,

ecological and social challenges and overcome the danger of

a relapse into a confrontation of States, peoples, cultures and

religions only if we resolutely seize the historic opportunity

to strengthen the global multilateral system and the United

Nations.

Today no country alone can cope with global

challenges. Hence we must counteract nationalism with

multilateralism. German foreign policy is aimed at

strengthening the multilateral world order. It is committed

to the goal of European integration. Its purpose is to

harmonize and create a fair balance of interests. German

foreign policy is therefore a policy within, in support of, and

together with the United Nations.

I agree with the Secretary-General: Peace can only be

preserved if we strike at the roots of conflict. His proposed

agenda for development must go hand-in-hand with "An

Agenda for Peace". Misery, starvation and poverty are still

the overriding problem in many countries.

At the eighth session of the United Nations Conference

on Trade and Development and at the Rio Conference, the

developing and industrial countries agreed on a

comprehensive partnership for promoting development and

protecting the environment. For that partnership to be

successful both sides, North and South, must contribute their

share. By carrying out economic and political reforms,

making more efficient use of their funds and cutting military

expenditure, and ensuring greater democratic control and

respect for the rule of law, many developing countries have

embarked on the right course. The World Summit for Social

Development, scheduled to take place in Copenhagen in

14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

1995, must be a forum for dialogue on the social issues

re-emerging all over the world.

The industrial countries have undertaken to support the

efforts of the developing countries by improving the general

conditions for world trade in a spirit of solidarity. Such

assistance can never be more than help towards self-help.

What is required is more entrepreneurial cooperation with

developing countries, more direct investment, improved

cooperation in the field of technology, the opening of

markets and the elimination of trade barriers. The Uruguay

Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade

(GATT) must at long last establish reliable rules for free

trade and be brought to a conclusion by December 15.

Germany, one of the leading trading nations, is committed

to these goals. If new trading blocs were to form, with the

attendant conflicting interests, new political confrontations

would soon follow. Protectionism would be the worst

outcome.

The global economy is in the throes of a fundamental

structural change. International competition is becoming

more intense. Many highly industrialized societies are

confronted with fresh challenges. Unemployment and

sluggish growth are unexpectedly severe burdens on their

productive capacity, both domestically and externally. On

the other hand, the trend towards a single world economy

opens up the first opportunity for billions of people to offer

their products in all markets.

All of us, industrial and developing countries alike,

must make peace with nature. The United Nations is called

upon to protect the natural foundations of life. I propose

that the United Nations develop an early-warning system for

environmental disasters. The momentum of the United

Nations Conference on Environment and Development must

be maintained. My country is ready for comprehensive

cooperation. Germany can make a special contribution,

particularly as regards the transfer of environment-friendly

technologies.

The population explosion is a threat to the planet’s

equilibrium. Whereas in the eighteenth century the world

population increased by a quarter of a billion in 75 years, it

is now increasing by this number every three years. Most

of this increase is taking place in countries whose economic

and ecological resources are already strained to the limit.

Family planning must be enhanced, the poverty gap reduced,

and education and knowledge disseminated among women

and men alike. A successful International Conference on

Population and Development, to be held in Cairo next year,

is therefore mandatory.

Respect for human rights is a universal obligation. It

is a focal point of German foreign policy. Human rights and

the protection of minorities belong together. Racism,

cultural arrogance and the delusion of wanting to create

"ethnically clean" areas constitute a threat to peace.

Yugoslavia is a terrible example of this. Where civic,

economic, cultural and religious rights of minorities are

concerned, the majority may not rule by fiat.

The Declaration and Programme of Action of the

Vienna World Conference on Human Rights represent the

consensus opinion of the community of nations. They

reaffirm the universal validity of the human rights. Now it

is important to seek rapid implementation. I wish to

mention five specific points:

Firstly, my country has long advocated the appointment

of a high commissioner for human rights. He should be

authorized to take steps on his own initiative to protect

human rights and to give active support to those countries

seeking to improve the human rights situation.

Secondly, we need an international criminal court. The

International Law Commission has submitted a full draft

statute for such a court. The pressure on those who trample

human rights under foot must be increased now. Those who

torture on this Earth must live in fear of punishment.

Thirdly, in order to prosecute speedily those who are

responsible for the ghastly violations of human rights in the

former Yugoslavia, the Security Council has set up an ad

hoc Tribunal. The elected judges must now begin their work

right away. A chief prosecutor should be appointed without

delay.

Fourthly, the non-governmental organizations have

become part of the world’s conscience and therefore have an

increasingly important role to play in the defence of human

rights.

Finally, the instruments for ensuring respect for human

rights must be given a higher priority in the United Nations

budget.

The crisis in the former Yugoslavia, and especially the

war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is one of the most

depressing episodes of our time. A Member of the United

Nations has fallen victim to a war of conquest accompanied

by genocide and mass expulsions. For the first time since

the Second World War, frontiers in Europe are being

redrawn by force of arms. The principles of the United

Nations have been treated with contempt. The credibility of

Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 15

our institutions - indeed the credibility of the United Nations

itself - is being put to the test.

If the fighting continues, the winter will prove to be an

awful disaster for the suffering people. It must therefore be

stopped as quickly as possible and steps taken to ensure that

humanitarian aid is provided. We therefore support the

Geneva efforts to settle the conflict, in spite of doubts about

the current plan, and we express special thanks to the

Co-Chairmen, Lord Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, for the

difficult job they are doing.

A settlement now seems within reach, but it must be

accepted by all parties to the conflict. No party must impose

its will on another. The Bosnian Muslims must be given

viable territory. We need an assurance that the community

of nations will be resolutely and actively involved in the

implementation of a settlement.

We cannot tolerate a situation in which the Muslims,

who have lived in Europe for centuries, would have fewer

rights than their Christian neighbours. Through preventive

measures we must ensure that the tragedy of this war does

not spill over into neighbouring regions. What is now

required is proposals for controlled disarmament in the

region. This is a task for the Conference on Security and

Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).

After decades of war and bitter antagonism, the Middle

East is experiencing a historic breakthrough towards peace.

We all want the peace process to become irreversible.

Germany and its partners in the European Community have

undertaken to provide political, economic and particularly

financial support. They have earmarked about a billion

deutschemarks for this purpose.

I should like to express my respect for both sides for

their political courage and their will for peace. I call upon

those who still hesitate to help sustain the peace process. I

appeal to all to renounce the use of force.

The continuing proliferation of arms in many parts of

the world is still highly disturbing. President Clinton’s

proposals have our support. Encouraging progress has been

achieved in the form of the Convention placing a global ban

on chemical weapons and of the agreement reached on a

mandate for negotiations in the Geneva Conference on

Disarmament with a view to a comprehensive test-ban treaty.

The test moratorium must be extended. There must be no

further testing.

The nuclear and non-nuclear Powers alike are urged to

consolidate the non-proliferation regime. When the matter

comes up for decision in 1995, the Non-Proliferation Treaty

must be extended indefinitely. As the representative of a

country which many years ago unilaterally and bindingly

renounced the possession of nuclear weapons and other

means of mass destruction, I appeal to all Members: accede

to the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

The laying of mines in large regions in many countries

has become a scourge for the population. It prevents the

return of refugees and the resumption of farming.

Thousands have been killed or horribly mutilated. It must

be stopped. The European Community has, with our

support, seized the initiative. We need a fund to finance

mine detection and disposal operations.

My country’s European anchorage is indispensable on

both political and economic grounds. My Belgian colleague,

Willy Claes, has already explained the position of the 12

members of the European Community.

Stability in Europe cannot remain a privilege of the

Western nations. The peoples of the reformist countries

fought for their freedom and we encouraged them to do so.

We shall not abandon them now. We must gradually open

the road to the Euro-Atlantic institutions for the countries of

Central and Eastern Europe. Those institutions include the

European Community and the Council of Europe as well as

the Western European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty

Organization (NATO). I am expecting a clear message from

the NATO summit - which is to take place at the beginning

of 1994 - like the one that came from the European

Community summit meeting in Copenhagen. In this process,

no new ruptures must emerge. A lasting peaceful order in

Europe is not feasible without including Russia.

Over the last four years Germany has made a greater

financial effort than any other nation to help the reformist

countries on their road to democracy, the rule of law and a

free market economy. This assistance, too, is a major

contribution to conflict-prevention and the safeguarding of

peace. In the present critical phase, Russia’s friends and

partners - who include the Germans in particular - must

continue to provide political and economic support for

President Yeltsin’s reforms.

I am concerned about developments in Georgia. We

must achieve a cease-fire and work out a viable political

solution. This is a task for the United Nations in particular.

16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

The desire for peace makes it imperative for all

countries to seek closer regional cooperation.We support

intra-Africa efforts to resolve conflicts and welcome the

stronger commitment on the part of the Organization of

African Unity.

We are gratified by the democratic changes to be

observed in Latin America in recent years. Nearly

everywhere democracy and free-market principles have

asserted themselves and sources of conflict have, thank God,

been eliminated.

The Association of South-East Asian Nations has

become an important instrument for cooperation in the

Asia-Pacific region. European-Asian cooperation must be

intensified.

"An Agenda for Peace" has become the lodestone for

the world Organization’s further development. I wish to

take this opportunity, Mr. Secretary-General, to express my

thanks for your commitment. The Security Council and the

General Assembly have constructively taken up the Agenda’s

proposals. However, conflict prevention must begin at an

early stage. Preventing fires is better than having to put

them out. We must focus our energy on the possibilities of

preventive diplomacy, confidence-building measures,

fact-finding and the early detection of conflicts.

The CSCE must back the United Nations within its

sphere of jurisdiction. The relations between the two

organizations have been intensified. The CSCE should be

given wider scope for conflict prevention and crisis

management.

In wars and crises, the Blue Helmets have helped to

protect the civilian population, to prevent the spread of

warfare and to initiate the transition to democracy. Some

80,000 troops from more than 70 countries are engaged in

17 peace-keeping missions around the world. They and the

United Nations Secretariat’s Department of Peace-keeping

Operations deserve our thanks.

One of the most successful operations was the one in

Namibia. In Cambodia the United Nations has sponsored

free elections and restored hopes of lasting peace after

decades of terror and oppression. Of course - and it is

important to stress this - not all the hopes placed in the

United Nations can be fulfilled, and it would be wrong to

deny that difficulties have been encountered. But what

would happen without the United Nations and the Blue

Helmets? To the critics I therefore say that we need not less

but more commitment to the United Nations.

In Somalia starvation has been overcome. The

reconciliation process has been overshadowed by incidents

in which troops and civilians have been killed. These are

tragedies, but without the United Nations Operation in

Somalia, hundreds of thousands would have had to die.

Germany has been providing humanitarian aid within the

scope of this major peace-keeping operation, our largest

commitment of personnel so far within the framework of the

United Nations.

Our involvement in such operations has the backing of

the German people. There is a consensus in our country in

favour of widening our scope for contributing to peace. We

are engaged in a passionate debate over proposed

constitutional amendments which would enable Germany to

participate in all United Nations operations without

restriction.

A policy for peace also means strengthening the rule of

law as opposed to the rule of the strong. If the United

Nations is prevented from carrying out its mandate, it will

have to be in a position to authorize the Security Council to

resort to force, as provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter.

However, the use of military means should be

considered only if we have a clear political blueprint for

resolving the conflict. Force must always be the last resort.

Consequently, our contribution to the United Nations will

continue to be of a mainly political and economic nature.

Greater emphasis will have to be placed on United Nations

peace-keeping measures in view of the growing

responsibilities and demands.

First, the United Nations Secretariat’s Department of

Peace-keeping Operations must be improved logistically and

organizationally and in terms of staff. The German

Government is willing to make further experts available to

the Secretariat.

Secondly, effective crisis management presupposes the

ability to react swiftly. The Secretary-General’s initiative for

the establishment of stand-by forces has my support.

Stand-by forces should not be confined to military units but

should include civilian personnel and experts ranging from

police to election observers. But participation must always

be voluntary and be subject to the fulfilment of national

conditions.

Thirdly, enhancing the efficiency of the United Nations

presupposes a link-up of military forces. The North Atlantic

Treaty Organization (NATO) has declared its willingness to

Forty-eighth session - 29 September l993 17

make its capacities available. The same holds true for the

Western European Union (WEU).

Fourthly, in many countries military training is geared

solely to the traditional duties of the army. The specific

tasks of peace-keeping require a completely different kind of

training. The national preparation of "Blue-Helmet" forces

needs to be coordinated to a greater degree by the United

Nations. For this, common training guidelines are needed.

The United Nations should also create its own training

capacity; that is my view. Common training and exercises

are, at the same time, important steps in confidence-building.

Fifthly, peace-keeping operations require sound

financing. The responsibility for peace also includes the

prompt and complete payment of contributions by all

Members.

Humanitarian concerns have been of pivotal importance

for Germany’s involvement in United Nations activities from

the very start. In the Middle East, in Africa, in South-East

Asia, in the Gulf region, in Somalia and in former

Yugoslavia we are providing humanitarian assistance. We

have assumed responsibility for transport, medical care, the

monitoring of disarmament measures and the repatriation of

refugees. Together with our partners in the European

Community we have called for the creation of a post of

coordinator for humanitarian assistance.

Part of our humanitarian commitment is the readiness

to assist refugees from the civil war, whose situation is very

distressing. We have admitted more than 350,000 refugees

from former Yugoslavia. I urge the General Assembly to

use every opportunity to strengthen the Office of the United

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Mrs.

Ogata deserves high praise for the job she is doing. More

international solidarity and burden-sharing is called for. We

must not abandon those countries which, as neighbouring or

target countries for the refugees, are particularly affected.

The aim must be to offer shelter to refugees from civil wars

or other disasters near their home countries in order to

facilitate their early return to those countries. For this we

need binding rules. I therefore propose the drafting of an

international convention to regulate large-scale refugee

movements.

Another focal point of our involvement in United

Nations activities has been what the Secretary-General refers

to in his "Agenda for Peace" as post-conflict peace-building.

Lasting peace depends on the establishment of democratic

and market-economy structures based on the rule of law.

Investment in the democratization process is an investment

in peace. My country, Germany, sees this as a priority of its

commitment to development. That is why Germany

participates in missions to observe elections, provides

economic experts, and assists in the creation of democratic

administrative, judicial and police institutions.

I should like to stress that a culture of peace is another

prerequisite for lasting peace. Not only governments but

also individual citizens must develop the will for peace if we

want to overcome racial hatred and religious conflict. A

culture of peace encompasses a dialogue between ethnic

groups as well as between religions and cultures. The

Europeans live next door to and in close contact with Islam.

We need bridges of mutual understanding, not new enemy

images. We need to promote education for peace. The

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organization (UNESCO), with its mandate to foster relations

between nations, therefore deserves comprehensive support.

Germany advocates the strengthening of all United

Nations bodies. We do not want a never-ending discussion

on reform, but greater efficiency. We welcome the

Secretary-General’s efforts to reorganize the Secretariat.

The efforts to revitalize the General Assembly and the

Economic and Social Council also meet with our full

support. We would be happy if the United Nations were

better represented in Germany and have therefore made an

offer for the relocation of institutions of technical

cooperation to Bonn.

The most important decisions on security and peace are

today made in the Security Council. This is what the

Charter envisaged right from the start. Anyone who wants

peace must strengthen the Security Council.

In its response to the Secretary-General’s request, the

Federal Government has stated that efficiency and credibility

are of equal importance for the future composition of the

Security Council.

Germany is prepared to assume responsibility as a

permanent member of the Security Council also. I stated

this at the last session of the General Assembly. However,

we will be able to maintain and strengthen the credibility of

the Council only if, in deliberating on reforming it, we also

take into consideration the growing importance of the third

world.

Finally, let me state that Germany wants to be and will

be a driving force in efforts to strengthen the United

Nations. We need to achieve a basic consensus for the

important tasks ahead of us. In my view this consensus lies

18 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

in the rule of law. The law protects the weak and

legitimizes force where it is unavoidable. The law is an

expression of partnership and is opposed to tyranny and

hegemony. It is the acceptance of law that creates justice.

Only where justice reigns can peace flourish.