Germany, 2001

Only a few moments ago, we were informed of the

crash of a commercial airliner not far from here, in

Queens. At the moment, we do not know the cause of

this disaster, but we are shocked and horrified. I would

express to the bereaved families and to the American

people our sincere condolences and sympathy.

It has been only two months since thousands of

innocent persons lost their lives in the World Trade

Center here in New York. Today, we are seeing the

extent to which the people here have been affected. In

the entire history of the United Nations, there has never

been a situation like this one.

Throughout the world, people have expressed

their sincere solidarity with and commiseration for the

victims and their families. These horrific terrorist

attacks struck not just Americans, but also innocent

people from over 80 countries, members of all the

major world religions and cultures. They targeted us

all. It must therefore be a common concern of humanity

to prevent a recurrence of this tragedy or indeed

something even worse.

The events of 11 September thrust a dangerous

future upon the world. We now live in the terrible

knowledge that no country in the globalized world is

invulnerable and that enemies within, who are

determined to kill and to die, can perpetrate mass

murder at any time. This eerie, awful danger has at a

stroke dramatically altered the foundations of security

policy as we know it. The fight against internationally

operative terrorist networks will require new responses

from the community of States. International terrorism

is a challenge above all for politics, the military, the

police and the judiciary, as well as for the economy

and — very importantly — for culture. At the dawn of

the twenty-first century, the issue of peace and security

has thus taken on an entirely new perspective.

Humanity has rarely been as united as it was on

that terrible day two months ago. This unity was born

not only of horror and compassion, but also of the

realization that we can successfully counter this new

deadly threat only if we combine our full force and

energy. The day of 11 September was a defining

moment that altered the direction of world politics. A

new alliance was created. It must now be strengthened

and developed into a genuine partnership. If this is

achieved, 11 September could go down in history not

only as a horrific day for humanity, but also as the

beginning of a new era of cooperation and

multilateralism.

What drives people to commit these

inconceivable crimes and to blow up themselves and

thousands of innocents? From where does such

uncontrollable hatred come? How can it be curbed?

How can it be conquered? It is certain that in any

attempt to develop an effective counter-strategy we

must, while waging the war on terrorism, analyse the

full range of causes and circumstances that permit such

hatred and violence to grow.

The United Nations is uniquely suited to the task

ahead. It provides the forum required for the creation

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of a universal coalition. Only it can give international

legitimacy to the response to terrorism. It has at its

disposal the instruments to manage political conflicts

and the underlying development problems that nurture

hatred and despair.

A comprehensive strategy against terrorism must

concentrate primarily on prevention. Developing such a

strategy means nothing less than drafting a policy for a

cooperative world order for the twenty-first century, a

policy that no longer tolerates areas characterized by a

breakdown of order, a policy that has as its goal a

world order under which all peoples can claim their

full and equitable share. This includes making

economic globalization more socially just for more

people and supplementing it with the political

globalization so urgently needed.

The Security Council responded to 11 September

with rare solidarity and, with resolutions 1368 (2001)

and 1373 (2001), took decisions on concrete,

internationally binding anti-terrorism measures that

point the way ahead. The General Assembly, too,

severely condemned the terrorist attacks and called for

joint action against international terrorism.

This path must now be rigorously pursued with

the rapid and universal ratification and implementation

of the 12 United Nations anti-terrorism conventions

and the adoption of a comprehensive convention on

international terrorism. We must endeavour anew to

bring this project, on which we all place so much hope,

to a successful conclusion. I therefore call upon all

States that have not yet approved the present

compromise to reconsider their position.

The International Criminal Court can also become

a valuable instrument in the fight against terrorism.

Under article 7, paragraph 1, of its statute, it will have

jurisdiction to try cases of murder “when committed as

part of a widespread or systematic attack directed

against any civilian population”. There can be no doubt

that the attacks on New York, Washington and

Pennsylvania fulfil this requirement. For this reason, I

would like to ask you all once again to ratify the Rome

Statute as quickly as possible.

The attack on the World Trade Center was a

wake-up call to the profound threat to world peace that

can be posed by failing States. Areas where political

and social order has collapsed offer terrorists a safe

haven from which they can organize their murderous

networks worldwide. The community of States urgently

needs to take a closer and preventive look at the

problem of failing States — but not just in

Afghanistan, and not only after a catastrophe has

occurred.

No conflict prevention measures have ever been

undertaken in Afghanistan. Far from it. This has

proved to be a fatal error. For more than 20 years, a

humanitarian catastrophe has been playing itself out

before the eyes of the world, in which women and

children, in particular, have suffered. Civil war, human

rights violations and abject misery have also been the

nourishing ground for the unprecedented symbiosis

between the terrorists of the Al Qaeda group and the

Taliban regime.

From there the trail leads directly to the horrific

attacks in the United States. As hard as this decision

may be, without the use of military means, this threat

cannot be averted. We must not forget that the suffering

of the people in Afghanistan is above all the work of

the Taliban. It was the Taliban that, long before 11

September, increasingly impeded effective

humanitarian relief, robbed women and girls of all their

rights and actively supported terrorism, also with the

goal of destabilizing Arab and Muslim States.

Not to react would indeed be to invite further

terror and oppression and would be extremely

dangerous for world peace. The dramatic nature of this

threat is illustrated by Osama bin Laden’s statement

that he will not shrink from using even nuclear

weapons. Civilian means alone are unfortunately not

always enough to put an end to violence and terror.

This was the case in the Balkans.

In Afghanistan, too, the root of the tragic conflict

is profoundly political, and so the solution, too, can

ultimately only be a political one. It must come from

within, must reflect the diversity of peoples in Afghan

society and must be accepted by the Afghan people.

But a peaceful solution also requires assistance from

the international community. Afghanistan must not be

left alone with its problems yet again.

A clear political and humanitarian perspective for

Afghanistan is now crucial. The United Nations should

be the coordinating agency for all peace efforts. It is

indispensable as the framework for the political

process and as the guarantor of internal agreements

within Afghanistan. Only a peace process under the

auspices of the United Nations will succeed in

excluding external involvement in the future and

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ensuring a peaceful future for the country in harmony

with its neighbours. Germany and the European Union

are willing to play their part towards a political

solution for Afghanistan and to participate in the long

term in the economic and social reconstruction of

Afghanistan.

More than anything, the refugees and the civilian

population must be helped. We cannot tolerate the fact

that the Taliban is hindering humanitarian access and is

using the civilian population as a shield. Especially

because of the approaching winter, we must do

everything in our power to provide the people with at

least the most basic necessities and to alleviate their

despair and hardship. Is it possible to establish

humanitarian protected areas, to use the expulsion of

the Taliban from Mazar-e-Sharif and other towns to

improve the humanitarian situation, and to make a

town like Kabul an open city? Of course this will be

very difficult, but let us nevertheless think without

taboos about absolutely all ways in which we could

help the people. As chair of the Afghanistan Support

Group, Germany has issued an invitation to a meeting

in Berlin at the beginning of December. I appeal to all

States to make a great humanitarian effort now and to

come to the aid of the downtrodden Afghan people.

Solving regional conflicts will be of critical

importance in the fight against terrorism. The Middle

East conflict is a top priority. Our hearts go out to the

many innocent victims on all sides. Both the Israeli and

Palestinian peoples have a right to live free of fear, in

dignity and in peace. This is indivisible not only from

Israel’s right of statehood, as recognized in Madrid —

which is, in our view, inviolable — but also from its

security. Germany bears a special responsibility

towards Israel stemming from its past. Any policy that

aims at destroying Israel by means of terrorism or

otherwise will face determined opposition from

Germany. However, we equally advocate the

Palestinians’ right to self-determination and their right

to their own State, Palestine. In the European Union

Berlin Declaration of March 1999 we stated that “the

creation of a democratic, viable and peaceful sovereign

Palestinian State on the basis of existing agreements

and through negotiations would be the best guarantee

of Israel’s security”. This is truer today than ever

before.

Never before has there been broader international

backing for a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian

conflict. The Mitchell recommendations still form the

basis for the timetable accepted by all sides, and in

their spirit we call on Israelis and Palestinians alike to

put an immediate and lasting end to violence and

confrontation, to resume the agreed direct talks without

delay and to seriously implement the negotiated

ceasefires. These talks must lead to genuine

negotiations on a viable political solution.

The real aim of the terrorists is to trigger a clash

of civilizations and to inflame the situation in the Near

and Middle East. Under no circumstances can we allow

ourselves to be drawn into such a conflict. We are

fighting international terrorism, not Islam.

We must counter the terrorist strategy designed to

bring about the clash of civilizations with a dialogue of

cultures and religions. We need a spiritual debate based

on mutual understanding that attempts to reach genuine

agreement on the fundamental values that unite us.

Such a dialogue presupposes the existence of shared

values, but also respect for other traditions and

differences between peoples. However, one thing must

be clear: human rights are universal, not Western

values. Consensus was reached on them by the

international community of States in the Charter of the

United Nations and the human rights conventions.

Any dialogue must build on the universality of

human rights. It must be conducted with respect for the

dignity of all involved, in tolerance and openness. It

must start at home, within cultures themselves. It can

bear fruit only if it is pursued free of all constraint.

And it has a purpose only if all participants are also

ready to offer self-criticism.

The insidious anthrax attacks since 11 September

show that the threat from weapons of mass destruction

in terrorist hands, which yesterday seemed abstract, is

today a real and deadly danger. The community of

States must do everything in its power to counter it

with a new push for non-proliferation and global

disarmament.

The dangers of the dissemination of weapons to

non-State groups and of regional arms races require

new answers and effective, internationally enforceable

criminal sanctions. In the nuclear field, the

commitment contained in the Non-Proliferation Treaty

to complete nuclear disarmament remains crucial. As

regards biological weapons, in view of the acute threat,

effective global control mechanisms must finally be

created. The Chemical Weapons Convention must be

more rigorously implemented. All States are called

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upon to participate in the negotiation of an

international code of conduct on ballistic missile

proliferation.

The fight now beginning against terrorism must

build on the awareness that the first world cannot in the

long term live secure and safe from the tensions and

conflicts of the third world. Almost one quarter of the

world population is starving. Ninety-five per cent of

those infected with AIDS live in developing countries.

Africa is particularly hard hit. At present only a

minority of the world’s citizens profit from the

opportunities for growth offered by globalization and

from the use of the new information technologies. This

state of affairs cannot be accepted, even by the rich

countries — for moral reasons, but also because

tensions and conflicts today spread much more quickly

and widely than ever before.

The battle against poverty cannot be won unless

we take equally determined steps to preserve the

natural resources on which life depends. At the coming

World Summit in Johannesburg we must make a

quantum leap forward towards sustainable

development, improved poverty eradication and better

management of our natural resources. The Kyoto

Protocol must enter into force next year. And we must

strengthen the sole advocate of the global environment,

the United Nations Environment Programme,

institutionally, operationally and financially.

11 September made it horrifyingly clear that the

human race will not be able to live in peace and

security in the absence of political order at the global

and regional levels.

Germany will continue to do its utmost to bring

about the strengthening of the United Nations and its

capacity to act, so that the world will be a more

peaceful, just and humane place in the twenty-first

century than it was in the twentieth century. The future

belongs to responsible governance for one world,

governance based not on hegemonic claims, but on

cooperation, solidarity and multilateralism. If together

we succeed in implementing such a policy, we will not

just ultimately win the war against terrorism but will

also be able to eradicate its roots forever.