Comoros, 2009

I wish to pay

tribute to the President of the General Assembly and

the Secretary-General for their dedication to their

noble missions.

For once, I do not wish to conclude my statement

with the issue of the Comorian island of Mayotte, as I

usually do. I should like to address that sensitive issue

first. It affects not only the unity and integrity of the

Comoros and its history and international law, but also

peace in the region of the Indian Ocean.

The General Assembly has condemned the French

presence on the Comorian island of Mayotte several

times, because the Comoros was admitted to the

international community with its colonial borders,

which include the islands of Mayotte, Anjouan, Moheli

and Grand Comore. Despite many relevant and final

United Nations resolutions and several consultations

held on the island, France continues to hold

referendums on Mayotte to definitively anchor that

Comorian island to the French Republic. Those

consultations have made it possible to change the

status of the Comorian island of Mayotte several

times — only within the framework of internal French

law — until, through the most recent consultation, the

island became the 101st French department.

Moreover, it should be noted that the relations

between France and the Comoros are unique. Indeed,

despite the dispute arising from the separation of one

island from its three sisters — thus handicapping the

Comoros Archipelago by changing it into a three-

legged cow, as President Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane

said — the Comoros, contrary to what one might think,

enjoys a special partnership with France.

France is present on the Comoros in the sense

that, in the international community, it is always

associated with major decisions that affect my

country’s future. France remains the primary economic

partner of the Comoros. It is one of the largest

contributors of development assistance to my country.

More than 200,000 Comorian citizens live on French

soil. Those are just a few examples to demonstrate that

no hostility exists between our two peoples or our two

countries. And we are firmly resolved not only to

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continue that special partnership, but also to reaffirm it

even more.

However, this desire for harmony in no way

constitutes a renunciation of our firm attachment to the

territorial integrity of our country. That is why I have

taken the initiative to come here to solemnly present to

France, before the entire international community, a

proposal to resolve this dispute.

In fact, I propose to France that it recognize that

the four islands of the Comoros Archipelago remain an

indivisible nation based on the principle of one

country, two administrations. By that principle, I mean

that France recognizes the full sovereignty of the

Union of the Comoros throughout its territory while

continuing to administer the Comorian island of

Mayotte.

Obviously, both parties must reach agreement on

the duration of the French presence on the Comorian

island of Mayotte. On the other hand, we request that

France actively assist in the economic development of

the three other islands to achieve a certain balance

throughout the Archipelago — a balance that will

necessarily encourage a harmonious rapprochement

among them and will enable the Comorian island of

Mayotte to finally return to its natural home. This

process will enable our brothers and sisters of Mayotte

to maintain their social advantages and their standard

of living and the other three islands to rise to the many

development challenges they face.

I am convinced that with the active participation

of the whole of the international community these new

proposals, which should become part of the

negotiations between France and the Comoros, would

lead to a happy outcome. France and the Comoros have

nearly two centuries of life together, two centuries of

shared history, culture and language. We do not have

the right to spoil that patrimony by allowing

misunderstandings to persist, by continuing to let play

out the tragedies that make of the sea lane between

Anjouan and Mayotte one of the greatest maritime

cemeteries in the world. For all of these reasons we

come here, in the full view of the world, to

demonstrate our good will, which we dare to hope will

never be obliterated by an attitude of inflexibility or

intransigence.

We meet every year in these prestigious

surroundings to debate questions of peace, security and

development. Unfortunately, we have to acknowledge

that our joint efforts do not always lead to conclusive

results, since as of today numerous challenges remain,

and their consequences for our countries and our

peoples are becoming ever more dire.

Certainly, some progress can be seen here and

there, yet our people continue to suffer hunger,

malnutrition and sickness. Our children do not have the

benefit of an education of the quality necessary to

assure them a better future. Health care remains a

luxury for most of our citizens. Some of our villages

and even cities suffer a cruel lack of basic social

services, indeed even of potable water and electricity.

Finally, many of our countries, particularly small

island States like my own, are threatened by multiple

natural catastrophes whose consequences only

aggravate an already fragile socio-economic situation.

Certain of our nations are even at risk of no longer

appearing on the map of the world in a few years. That

catastrophic situation, which prevails in an era when,

paradoxically, every day sees enormous technical and

technological advances, must challenge and incite us to

redouble our efforts to find appropriate responses.

Thus a genuine international mobilization —

especially on the part of those countries most equipped

to face the challenges confronting us all — is required.

We must take concrete, urgent and concerted action

and make a determined stand against the consequences

of the economic, financial and food crises that lash all

our countries without distinction.

I believe now is the time to demonstrate active

solidarity and pragmatism if we want our words to

translate into concrete actions and if we want to

rekindle hope in our peoples, who have suffered more

than enough. Obviously our developing nations are not

asking for the moon — at least not for now. We merely

ask that we join our efforts to satisfy the legitimate

demands of our peoples, who only aspire to live better

and with dignity, peace and peace of mind.

Our Organization has a great role to play in the

realization of that goal, and for its voice to reach as far

as necessary we must all agree on the need to bring to

its various branches the necessary reforms. Indeed,

only an organization that is more representative, more

democratic and more equitable in its various

institutions will be in a position to better address the

problems all countries face, to understand them and

conceive the solutions most likely to produce more

peace, stability and development.

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Furthermore, in the framework of respect for

human rights and good international governance, the

abusive use of universal jurisdiction should be fought

by working for a better structure for such jurisdiction,

but also to put in place an organ to regulate the

principle of jurisdiction itself. A better definition of the

concept of the responsibility to protect should also be

sought, with sufficient time allocated to seriously

consider its implementation.

Peace and security remain essential conditions for

the promotion of socio-economic development. Thus

the conflict conditions that prevail in numerous regions

of the world call out a challenge to us. We must show

greater solidarity in regard to the populations of

regions that for years on end have known only

desolation, despair and humiliation.

We should also celebrate the initiative undertaken

by President Barack Obama in the Middle East, which

offers the hope of seeing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

resolved through a solution that is just, equitable and

acceptable to the parties involved — notably the

solidification of the two-State principle, as stipulated

by the various United Nations resolutions on the

matter.

Moreover, I take this opportunity to applaud the

presence among us of His Excellency President Barack

Obama, whose charisma, dynamism and sense of

justice renew our hope to see the United States of

America act with more engagement and pragmatism in

the service of peace, justice and development in the

world.

I will not neglect to mention Iraq, Afghanistan,

Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Great

Lakes region and Darfur, where fratricidal conflicts

only further exacerbate poverty and underdevelopment.

We therefore urge the international community to offer

its assistance to those brother countries so as to put an

end to that unfortunate situation.

I cannot close this chapter on crises and conflicts

without wishing my Malagasy brothers and sisters

complete success in the ongoing negotiations for a

peaceful transition that quickly leads to peace and

stability being restored in this sister island and to

renewed efforts for its economic prosperity.

Here, I would also like to reiterate the

unwavering support of the Union of the Comoros to the

People’s Republic of China and to the Kingdom of

Morocco in their legitimate efforts to recover their

territorial integrity.

To conclude, I am greatly honoured to express the

warm thanks and deep appreciation of the Comorian

delegation to all the American authorities, in particular

those of the State of New York, for the good

arrangements to ensure us a pleasant stay in this great

and beautiful country.

(spoke in Arabic)

I beseech God that we have a session that serves

humanity.