Comoros, 1982

Before beginning my statement, I should like to

express on behalf of my delegation our most

sincere congratulations to Mr. Hollai on the

occasion of his well-deserved election to the

presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the

General Assembly. His qualities as a skilled

diplomat, together with his long experience in

the Organization, as well as the high posts that

he has held in his country, all constitute a

guarantee that our work will progress well and

our debates serenely, at a time when the

Organization is called upon to deal with an

endlessly growing number of complex problems of

international scope. We there¬fore wish him every

success in the exercise of his difficult

responsibilities.

176. Please allow me also to pay a heartfelt

tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the

competence and dedication with which he exercised

the presidency of the last session. We also

express our appreciation to the Secretary-General

for his tireless efforts in the service of world

peace since he was elected almost a year ago.

177. As we meet once again in the Assembly to

assess, as is traditional, the work done by the

United Nations since our last regular session and

to review the international situation, we must

observe that, in spite of our legitimate

aspirations for a better world, the balance sheet

is once again negative. How else could we

describe it when a large number of coun¬tries,

especially the weakest among them, live in the

daily anguish of inexorably mounting dangers?

178. In fact, the noble and sacred principles

inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations

are trampled underfoot and sometimes willfully

violated. Inter¬national relations, both

political and economic, are deteriorating at a

rapid pace and are taking an increasingly

disquieting turn. Here and there, might prevails

over right and the fait accompli replaces

dialogue and agreement.

179. That being the situation, we believe that

efforts must be made more than ever before in

order to seek ways and means of overcoming the

problems and in order to safeguard the future of

mankind. Hence the primary and decisive role that

the Organization must play in this troubled

world. It is therefore time that the purpose for

which it was created, that is, the safeguarding

and maintenance of peace be at last respected.

The time has come to restore its credibility, as

millions of people place their hopes in it. For

many of them it is sometimes their only resort.

180. The many dangers that I have just

mentioned find tragic illustration in the grave

events that occurred in Lebanon a few days ago.

An appalled and angry world learned through the

television screen of the abominable crime, the

gratuitous massacre of hundreds of children,

women and elderly persons in the Palesti¬nian

refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in Beirut.

That odious crime is horrible beyond all

imagination and recalls a bloody page in the

recent history of the world which we believed to

be a thing of the past. It is all the more

unpardonable and unjustifiable as it was

committed against innocent, defenseless victims.

181. In my country, the Islamic Federal

Republic of the Comoros, the massacres of Sabra

and Shatila were felt with great sorrow by the

entire population. A day of national mourning and

of prayer in memory of the martyrs unjustly

assassinated was decreed by the President of the

Republic, Mr. Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane who, at

the same time, forcefully con¬demned those who

perpetrated and facilitated that dastardly deed.

182. On many occasions in the Assembly my

country has expressed its views on the problem of

the Middle East. There can be no doubt, as we see

it, that it is Israel's intransigence, together

with its annexationist and expansionist designs,

which make it impossible to find a lasting

solution to this problem, nor can there be any

doubt that it is the vast financial and military

means made available to Israel that make it

possible for the Zionist entity to continue

arrogantly to defy the many decisions and

resolutions adopted by the Organization.

183. Mankind cannot remain indifferent to the

genocide in west Beirut; otherwise it will lose

its very dignity. The guilty and their

accomplices must be found and punished. In our

view one thing is clear, and that is the direct

responsibility of Israel in this mass

assassination. It is time for the international

community at last to react firmly in the face of

the policy of extermination of the Israeli

Government. That Government must withdraw its

troops, not only from Beirut, but from all of

Lebanon and comply with the relevant resolutions

of the Organization, especially those of the

Security Council.

184. We welcome the results of the Twelfth

Arab Summit Conference at Fez, devoted to the

problems of the Middle East. We feel that the

decisions that were adopted during that

Conference constitute clear progress in the

search for a just and lasting solution to the

problem that is tearing that region apart. We

strongly condemn Israel's attitude, aimed at

systematically rejecting the peace plan.

185. It was more than a generation ago now

that the Palestinian people was driven out of its

country, forced into exile, robbed of its lands

and compelled to wander from one refugee camp to

another. Israel can no longer continue to ignore

the Palestinian fact, the right of that people to

self-determination, and to establish a free and

independent State on its own land.

186. I should like here to express our

admiration and respect for the head of the PLO,

Mr. Yasser Arafat, for his exemplary courage and,

indeed, the heroism that he demonstrated during

the siege of west Beirut by Israeli forces. I

also take this oppor¬tunity to reaffirm once

again the unassailable and constant support of

the Comorian people and its Government for the

just struggle of the Palestinian people and its

sole legitimate representative, the PLO.

187. It is on the basis of that same sacred

principle of the right of peoples to

self-determination and free¬dom that my country

once again issues a pressing appeal for the

foreign troops to withdraw from Afgha¬nistan,

making it possible for the people of that country

freely to choose the political system it

considers best for its future. It has been three

years now since a foreign army occupied that

country, which was formerly non-aligned,

compelling a large part of the population to

choose the course of exile.

188. My country has witnessed with profound

sad¬ness the continuation of the war between Iraq

and -the Islamic Republic of Iran, two

non-aligned Moslem States. In spite of the

mediation efforts undertaken by the Organization

of the Islamic Conference and the non aligned

movement, that absurd and fratricidal war

continues to exact thousands of victims on both

sides, not to mention the sizeable material

damage it causes. We therefore once again

solemnly appeal to the two belligerents to cease

their hostilities imme¬diately so that hatred and

intransigence can yield to wisdom and

conciliation. In fact, that conflict not only

constitutes a threat to peace in that region, but

bears the insidious seed of overall

conflagration, given the highly strategic nature

of the region.

189. The problem of Cyprus is still on the

agenda of the Assembly. We are pleased, however,

at the progress, limited but real, that has been

achieved this year in the framework of the

intercommunal talks in the quest for a just and

lasting solution that would preserve the peace,

unity and sovereignty of Cyprus. We encourage the

two Governments, Greek and Turkish, to continue

their negotiations so that a prompt and

satisfactory solution can be found, one likely to

safeguard the interests of all those affected by

the problem. In this respect, we wish to pay a

tribute to the Secretary-General for the efforts

that he has constantly made to find a solution to

that problem.

190. In respect of Kampuchea, we cannot fail

to express our deep disappointment at the fact

that the decisions of the General Assembly

demanding the immediate unconditional withdrawal

of foreign troops from that country have been

ignored. The people of Kampuchea, just like all

other peoples in the world, have aright to peace

and freedom and it is time for their martyrdom to

end. The direct action of a neighbouring Power

which keeps many divisions of its army in

Kampuchea endangers not only the peace of the

region by creating an atmosphere of constant

destabilization but also constitutes a grave

threat to international peace and security.

191. The situation in the Korean peninsula

remains deadlocked. Nevertheless, we do take note

of the statement by the leaders of the two States

indicating that they wish to arrive at a peaceful

solution making it possible for their divided

homeland to be reunified. We must encourage and

support those good intentions, because a united

Korea is a guarantee of peace and stability in

that part of the world.

192. The question of Namibia continues to be

of the greatest concern to my Government. A11

Africa places its hopes in the Organization, but

the United Nations will lose credibility if it is

unable to guarantee to the peoples of Namibia and

South Africa the freedom and justice to which

they naturally aspire. There can be no doubt that

it is thanks to the assistance of certain

industrialized Powers that South Africa is able

constantly to defy United Nations decisions and

to continue to exploit through the odious system

of apartheid millions of Africans in their own

land and illegally to occupy Namibia.

193. It is only through the prompt

implementation of Security Council resolution 433

(1978) that it will be possible to achieve the

peaceful decolonization of Namibia by prohibiting

any attempt to amend that resolution or blur its

details, because this would just be playing the

game of the South African racists.

194. The efforts made thus far by the contact

group to induce Pretoria to comply with

resolution 435 (1978) have met with the delaying

tactics of the Pretoria regime, which ceaselessly

resorts to subterfuge, going so far as to

interfere in the internal affairs of

neigh¬bouring countries in order to impose its

illegal policy in Namibia. Today, the South

African army is in constant violation of the

southern territory of Angola, killing hundreds of

innocent men, women and children by

indiscriminate bombings.

195. Regarding its evacuation of Namibia,

Pretoria seeks to impose unacceptable conditions

on a sover¬eign country, Angola. All these

measures and these delays are aimed at gaining

time to make it possible for Pretoria to train

and place its puppets at the head of the

forthcoming independent Namibian Govern¬ment. It

is now up to the international community, to the

Organization, to take enforcement measures to

compel the Pretoria leaders to respect United

Nations decisions.

196. I take this opportunity to reaffirm the

total solidarity and unfailing support, both

moral and material, of my Government for SWAPO,

the genuine representative of the Namibian people

in its just strug¬gle for the liberation of its

country. I should also like to express here the

unshakeable determination of my country to lend

support to the national liberation movements of

southern Africa.

197. As regards Western Sahara, my country

endorses the resolution adopted at the eighteenth

session of the Assembly of Heads of State and

Govern¬ment of the Organization of African Unity,

held at Nairobi, in June 1981 and remains

convinced that a satisfactory solution to this

serious problem, which could threaten our

pan-African organization with collapse, is to be

found through the full application of the

resolution relating to the organization of a

referendum on self-determination for the people

of that country. We hope once again that African

wisdom will manage to avoid a prolongation of a

dispute, which has incalculable consequences. As

far as we are con¬cerned, we are ready to support

any initiative aimed at safeguarding our

organization, a symbol of the strength and unity

of our African continent.

198. Another no less pressing problem

threatening us directly is of concern not just to

my country but also to many others in the same

region, since it relates to the further

strengthening of the foreign military presence in

the Indian Ocean. The root of this

mili¬tarization of an erstwhile peaceful zone is

the rivalry between the major Powers, who are

involved in an arms race as frantic as it is

absurd. This state of affairs is giving rise to

an explosive situation of con¬cern to all the

coastal countries. It has also led to a sharp

deterioration in the climate of security which

used to reign throughout this vast region. Thus

it is with great disappointment that my country

has wit¬nessed the many obstacles which have

arisen to prevent the convening of the conference

which the Organization was to have held at

Colombo in order to study the methods of

implementation of the Declara¬tion of the Indian

Ocean as a Zone of Peace, contained in General

Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI).

199. My country, like others wishing to

preserve peace and security in that region,

unreservedly sup¬ports the idea of creating a

zone of peace in the Indian Ocean and sincerely

hopes that the conference which is to discuss

this matter will finally be able to meet. We

support the position of the non-aligned countries

in favor of holding it in Sri Lanka.

200. The gloomy picture of the international

political situation which I have just sketched is

unfortunately reflected in the serious economic

imbalances to be found in the world today. We all

more or less agree on one point, namely, that

this crisis does exist. It has struck hard at all

countries with few exceptions, but it has

affected the developing countries most,

particularly the weakest among them, those which

are called the least developed.

201. The Islamic Federal Republic of the

Comoros, which is among the latter, is feeling

even more pain¬fully the harmful effects of this

crisis, because of the problems arising from its

special geographic characteristics. Because of

its island character, the Comoros Islands must

cope with structural problems: isolation due to

distance from major international communications

routes and lack of adequate infra¬structures,

although considerable efforts have been made in

this area by the Government and many projects are

now in progress. But we continue to come up

against financial problems; in fact, the Comoros

like most of the non-oil-producing devel¬oping

countries, has suffered for several years from a

growing deficit in its balance of trade caused by

worsening exchange rates.

202. Although our country has a virtual

monopoly of the production of certain cash crops,

such as ylang- ylang and vanilla, nevertheless it

is subject to the risks of a market controlled by

people who, com¬fortably installed in their

offices somewhere in Europe, decide on the prices

according to criteria which they alone are privy

to. Because of this we frequently have to sell

our export products at a loss.

203. An obvious result of this is a

considerable drop in our export revenues,

resulting in a lack of resources which leads to

budgetary deadlocks and their corollary,

inflation. In order to cope with this we

unfortunately have to resort to loans, which add

to the burden of our indebtedness.

204. Faced with this problem, my Government

makes an urgent appeal, based on General Assembly

resolu¬tion 36/212, to the international

community, inter¬national financial institutions

and developed countries which are able to do so

to give us assistance in 3he development process

of our country.

205. In this context, it is a pleasure for me

to announce from this rostrum that, pursuant to

the recommendations of the United Nations

Conference on the Least Developed Countries for

a round table of the major lenders will be held

in our capital, Moroni, in March 1983 and will

bring together all those who are willing to

respond to this appeal and to participate in

financing our development projects. I fervently

hope that this appeal will be heeded.

206. If, each time we are given the

opportunity, we demand new measures and

constantly call for global negotiations, a new

international economic and monetary order and

increased assistance to the most disadvantaged

countries, that is not mere rhetoric but a call

for justice. The major rich industrialized

coun¬tries frequently take pleasure in

proclaiming with a certain pride the major

principles and values of de¬mocracy, freedom and

justice, which in their view are the unique

characteristics of their civilization, but

national pride and the facts contradict them.

207. However, a great hope was born last year

during the International Meeting Co-operation and

Development at Cancun in October 1981. The

peoples and countries of the third world saw in

that meeting the beginning of an awareness among

the rich coun¬tries of the problems and

difficulties facing the devel¬oping nations.

Unfortunately, today our great disap¬pointment is

equaled only by the hope which that meeting

engendered. We are witnessing the progressive and

accelerated erosion of the instruments and

institutions which were justly established; infer

o/w, to find solutions to the problems of the

poor coun¬tries. The present economic situation

can be improved only if concerted action is taken

at the international level to correct the harmful

and perverse effects of the present economic and

monetary situation. Of course, that requires the

good will and loyalty of all countries.

208. It is in that context that the Government

of my country supports the efforts undertaken to

launch global negotiations, considering that both

North and South must make some sacrifices. Only

at that price will the world find a way out of

the existing morass of economic and financial

crises.

209. I should like before concluding this

rapid review of the political and economic

situation prevailing in the world to mention once

again a question of which the Assembly is well

aware and which for us Comorians is of prime

importance; it is a subject of constant concern

since it is the question of the Comorian Island

of Mayotte. I do not think it would be useful to

repeat the background of this question here,

since several debates have been devoted to it at

earlier sessions and since it remains on the

agenda and thus will be the subject of a specific

debate, when we shall have the opportunity to

speak on it. Today I shall limit myself to

recalling the resolutions adopted by the United

Nations, OAU, the Islamic Conference and the

non-aligned movement, all of which affirm

unequivo¬cally the territorial integrity of the

Comoros as a country made up of four islands,

including Mayotte, over which the sovereignty of

the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros

should clearly extend.

210. It was on the basis of those resolutions

and under the aegis of the OAU that anv4d

Committee of Seven of the OAU, specially

entrusted with follow¬ing the developments of

this problem, met in Moroni, from 9 to 11

November 1981. During that meeting the Committee

took note of the question and adopted certain

recommendations advocating, inter alia, direct

contact between the French and Comorian

Governments in order to find a just solution to

this problem through negotiations.

211. Since then, several meetings at the

highest level have taken place between the two

countries, par¬ticularly between the President of

the French Repub¬lic, Francois Mitterrand, and

the President of the Islamic Federal Republic of

the Comoros, Mr. Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane.

During those meetings, which were frank and

friendly, as relations are between France and the

Comoros, the French President expressed his

Government's desire to reach a satis¬factory

solution to this problem.

212. Taking note of that commitment, the

Comorian Government reaffirms its will to

continue through negotiation and in accordance

with the relevant decisions and resolutions of

international organiza¬tions, to take all the

necessary steps to regain its territorial

integrity, that is, the return of the island of

Mayotte to the Comorian group of islands.

213. This peaceful struggle which we are

carrying on is not ours alone: it is that of all

peoples and all countries which respect the

Charter of the United Nations and international

law. For its part, the Comorian people remains

determined to pursue its legitimate claims, sure

of its right, which is recognized and supported

by the entire international community through its

varies organizations. Thus we expect France and

those who lead it today to respect their past and

present commitments and the law so that we may

find a just solution to this problem.

214. The United Nations was created to carry

out a noble mission, that of safeguarding and

maintaining peace and security in the world. The

many hotbeds of tension which have flared up

throughout the world are likely at any time to

plunge it into a new war, with unimaginable

consequences. In a world that has lost its way,

it is time that the Organization regained its

main vocation. Of course that will be possible

only if each of its Members, whatever its power,

scrupulously respects the principles of the

Charter. For its part, the Islamic Federal

Republic of the Comoros, faithful to the great

principles of peace, liberty and justice, will

continue to make its contribution, however

modest, to strengthening the effectiveness of the

Organization and helping it to regain its noble

reputation. This is very survival of mankind

depends upon this.