Bulgaria, 1969

30. I should like to convey to you, Madam President, the

congratulations of the delegation of the People’s Republic

of Bulgaria on your election to the most important office in

this Assembly and to wish you every success in the

accomplishment of your task.

31. I should also like to convey to the delegation of

Guatemala our most sincere condolences on the death of

Mr. Emilio Arenales, President of the last session of the

General Assembly.

32. The past year has not seen the realization of the

peoples’ hopes for security and peace. It is true that no

fresh sources of tension and no new open conflicts have

developed, but not one of the conflicts which for years

have been poisoning the international climate, not one of

the major problems threatening world peace, has been

settled. Some problems indeed have been seriously aggravated.

33. The problem of international security, of the elimination

of the threats to world peace and to the life and

well-being of peoples has therefore become acute. Collective

measures are necessary to safeguard and build a just

and lasting peace, to establish peaceful and fruitful relations

between peoples in a climate of security, confidence and

mutual respect. The need for such measures is pressing.

Mankind cannot allow any further deterioration in the

international situation or any delay or postponement of a

solution to the most urgent international problems. Any

delay might well lead the peoples to a situation where they

no longer have it in their power to prevent a general confrontation.

34. On the basis of this conviction, and taking into

account the vital interests of peoples, the Soviet Government

has submitted for consideration at this session an item

entitled “The strengthening of international security”

[A/7654]. The Bulgarian Government welcomes this new,

important and positive initiative of the Soviet Union. It

wholeheartedly supports the draft “appeal to all States of

the world” on the strengthening of international security.

This appeal is fully in keeping with the principles of the

Charter of the United Nations and with the convictions and

aspirations of our people.

35. The Bulgarian Government is convinced that approval

of this appeal by the General Assembly and the adoption

by Governments of appropriate measures for its implementation

will constitute a major step towards strengthening

international security and world peace — a great victory for

the United Nations.

36. The appeal expresses the deepest sentiments of the

world community; it takes account of the demand of the

present international situation. One of the most serious

problems now threatening peace is the armed intervention

of certain States against other States and peoples. The

appeal is right in emphasizing this crucial question.

37. The withdrawal of all troops from territories occupied

as a result of action by the armed forces of some States

against other States defending the independence they have

won as a result of the collapse of the colonial system is an

essential condition for improving the international situation.

The presence of foreign troops in those territories is a

constant source of tension and insecurity; it is a flagrant

violation of the principles of national independence and

freedom, of the right of peoples freely to choose their

social systems and to settle their internal affairs themselves

without foreign interference.

38. The development of the international situation clearly

shows that it is impossible to solve such serious and acute

problems as those of Viet-Nam and Korea, and of the

Middle East, without the complete withdrawal of all United

States troops from South Viet-Nam and South Korea, and

of the Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories.

Unless these problems are solved, there can be neither

lasting peace in the world nor real international security.

39. For 15 years, United States armed intervention in

South Viet-Nam has been causing the people of Viet-Nam

immense suffering. Fifteen years is long enough for even

the United States Government to realize the impossibility

of breaking the will of a people prepared to defend its

freedom at any cost, to recognize that the war in Viet-Nam

constitutes both an aggression against the people of

Viet-Nam and a blow to the very foundations of world

peace.

40. The United States of America maintains an army of

more than half a million men in South Viet-Nam and has

concentrated a large part of its immense war potential

there. That is the sole obstacle to a peaceful and democratic

solution of the Viet-Nam problem in accordance with the

genuine aspirations of the people of South Viet-Nam.

41. The world had every reason to expect that the United

States of America would at last announce practical measures

for a political settlement of the Viet-Nam problem, but

that has not taken place. The United States Government

has reaffirmed its decision to maintain its armed forces, to

continue the war in Viet-Nam. The fact that this policy is

accompanied by fine words does not change anything. Has

not President Nixon himself declared that “noble rhetoric is

no guarantee of noble results” [1755th meeting, para. 45]?

42. The United States Government has repeatedly stated

that it is not what the United States wants for South

Viet-Nam that matters, but what the people of Viet-Nam

want for South Viet-Nam. For nearly 15 years, day after

day, year after year, the people of South Viet-Nam have, by

their heroic struggle and their countless sacrifices, clearly

demonstrated their inexorable will. What the people of

Viet-Nam demand is the final and unconditional withdrawal

of United States troops from the soil of Viet-Nam; the right

and opportunity to settle their own affairs freely and

without foreign interference or coercion, and to build a

democratic and independent Republic of South Viet-Nam.

If the United States of America really wants the end of the

war in Viet-Nam, as it claims, it could prove it by

appropriate measures which would facilitate a reasonable

and just solution of the Viet-Nam problem at the conference

table in Paris.

43. Declarations concerning a limited withdrawal of a few

thousand troops cannot change the situation. Such limited

measures cannot be interpreted as the expression of a

genuine desire to reach an equitable solution of the

Viet-Nam problem, but only as an attempt to justify the

continuation of an unjust war.

44. The United States can only come out of this war with

honour by immediately stopping the bombing of South

Viet-Nam and starting the withdrawal of all its troops. That

is the way to ensure that the Paris negotiations can break

out of the deadlock caused by the United States policy of

aggression in South-East Asia and that the necessary

conditions can be created for the formation of a national

coalition. Government. That is the way to achieve, not the

“Viet-Namization” of the war in South Viet-Nam, as the

United States desires, but the “‘Viet-Namization” of the peace.

45. But as long as aggression against the people of South

Viet-Nam continues, the friends of the people of Viet-Nam

will continue to help them in their heroic struggle for

freedom and independence.

46. The presence of foreign troops in the territory of

South Korea and the armed action and acts of provocation

against the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea keep up

the tension and constitute a serious threat to peace in that

part of the world. The United States occupation troops are

supporting a puppet government and are brutally interfering

in the domestic affairs of the country, which they have

transformed into a military base for a United States policy

of aggression in Asia.

47. The United Nations flag cannot legalize the presence

of United States troops in South Korea, any more than it

can justify their acts of aggression. It can only seriously

damage the Organization’s prestige.

48. The interests of peace in the Far East as well as the

interests of the Organization call for a categorical decision:

to withdraw all foreign troops from South Korea and to

dissolve the so-called United Nations Commission for the

Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. The question of

the country’s reunification by peaceful means and on a

democratic basis can be decided only by the Korean people

themselves, without foreign interference. The essential

condition is the withdrawal from South Korean territory of

all foreign troops, whose presence is the main cause of the

division of the country and the major obstacle to peaceful

reunification of the Korean people.

49. My delegation fully agrees with the conclusion of the

Secretary-General, U Thant, that the Middle East situation

has continued to deteriorate [see 4/7601 /Add.1, para. 62].

The danger of a resumption of large-scale military activities

is real and may lead to an extension of the conflict beyond

the confines of the Middle East. For what reasons has the

crisis in that troubled region not only not diminished but

even worsened? What are the obstacles that frustrate

attempts at a political settlement of the conflict? It is

sufficient to examine the positions and the attitudes of the

two parties to the conflict—the Arab countries and Israel

— to find an answer.

50. The Arab countries, which bear the heavy burden of

the occupation of a large part of their territories, have

accepted Security Council resolution 242 (1967) as a basis

for a political settlement of the crisis. They have shown

that they are willing to act in accordance with that

resolution despite the new sacrifices it demands of them in

the name of peace. Their position regarding the mission of

Mr. Jarring, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative,

and regarding the four-Power talks on the Middle East, is

positive. The attitude of the Arab countries, victims of

Israeli aggression, has created conditions favourable to the

establishment of a just and lasting peace in that area, based

on the principles of national independence, territorial

integrity and mutual security. The statements made from

this platform by the representatives of Arab countries — the

United Arab Republic, Jordan, Lebanon and others — confirm

once again the reasonable and constructive policy

pursued by their Governments.

51. But what of the position of Israel? The Israeli

Government persists in its total contempt for the Security

Council resolution and has done nothing to implement it.

Israel refuses to withdraw its troops from the occupied

Arab territories. The occupation is accompanied by military

action in the air and on land against the United Arab

Republic, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Israel does not cease

to put new obstacles in the way of a just and humane

solution of the problem of the Palestinian refugees. It has

declared that it will not accept the outcome of the

negotiations between the four permanent members of the

Security Council and it is undermining the mission of

Mr. Jarring. The Israeli Government is not seeking a

peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis but the

capitulation of the Arab countries, a radical modification of

the map of the Middle East, and the annexation of a large

part of the Arab territories.

52. What further aggravates the situation in the Middle

East is the strong support given by the United States of

America to Israel’s intransigent and provocative attitude.

This biased and unjust attitude on the part of the United

States of America is a negative factor which hinders rather

than facilitates the settlement of the crisis.

53. There is, however, a real and equitable possibility of

reaching a lasting political solution of the Middle East crisis,

that is, through the immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops

from the occupied Arab territories and the recognition of

the right to an independent and secure existence for all the

States of the region, including Israel.

54. The Bulgarian Government considers that no one has

the right to ask the Governments and peoples of the Arab

States to yield to aggression and to surrender their rights. It

supports the just cause of the Arab peoples against

aggression and occupation and for the establishment of a

fair and lasting peace in the Middle East, as well as their

efforts towards peaceful national development and social

progress.

55. Another essential element of the USSR proposal for

strengthening international security is the appeal to all States

strictly to abide by the principles of peaceful coexistence in

their international relations and to establish, by joint

efforts, regional security systems in accordance with the

provision of the Charter of the United Nations.

56. In that connexion I would like to dwell on a few

questions concerning Europe. The peace and security of

European countries depends first and foremost on relations

between East and West. Those relations in turn depend on

the strict and consistent observance of the principles of

peaceful coexistence by the European States.

57. It is precisely those principles and concepts that

inspire the Bulgarian Government. Together with the other

socialist States members of the Warsaw Treaty Organization,

it has worked steadfastly for a relaxation of tension

in Europe, for the development of economic, scientific and

technical relations with all States and for a peaceful

solution to the problems which continue to divide our continent.

58. The creation of a favourable political climate in

Europe does not depend solely on the socialist States

parties to the Warsaw Treaty. The support of the Western

countries members of NATO is also essential. But the

policy of some Atlantic Treaty countries continues to be a

source of concern and perplexity. These countries still

refuse to take account of the new political realities in

Europe. They continue to resort to political conceptions

and to methods which have been outstripped by the

evolution of the European situation in the past few years.

They remain rigidly bound to Atlantic political and military

doctrines and systems, and show no desire to move towards

solutions prompted by current European realities. What is

the policy of those Western countries? It is still the policy

of dividing Europe into opposing military blocs, tending to

alter the relationship of forces in their favour, the policy of

the arms race, of strengthening the spirit of revenge, of

militarism and of neo-nazism in Western Germany.

59. It is obvious that the Warsaw Treaty countries cannot

remain passive in the face of such a policy. They are taking

the necessary measures to strengthen their political unity

and their national defence. But at the same time these

countries do not cease to pursue their tireless and energetic

efforts for a reasonable and mutually acceptable solution of

European problems, for the lessening of tension and for the

creation of favourable conditions for the consolidation of

stability and security in Europe. They consider that the

situation calls for a new approach and new methods for

solving the problem of European security. It is not by

perpetuating the division of the continent into hostile

groupings but by creating an all-European system of

collective security in the spirit of the Charter of the United

Nations that the problems of most vital importance to

Europe will be solved.

60. The Bulgarian Government considers that the establishment

of an effective system of European security is

undoubtedly a difficult task but one that can be achieved.

Despite its complexity, the problem can be solved, given

goodwill and realism, through the combined efforts of the

Governments and peoples of all the European States, on the

basis of recognition of the actual situation in Europe

created as a result of the Second World War, on the basis of

a general agreement to resolve controversial problems by

peaceful means and negotiations, and, lastly, on the basis of

respect for the interests of all European States.

61. An outstanding expression of the peaceful policy of

the socialist countries was the Budapest appeal for the

convening of a conference on European security. The

majority of European States received the Budapest appeal

with interest and evaluated that important initiative by the

Warsaw Treaty countries at its true worth. We rejoice to see

that several European States have already indicated their

desire and their willingness to facilitate the conference by

taking measures to reduce tension and strengthen mutual

confidence. In that context, the initiative taken by the

Government of Finland with a view to the preparation of

the conference on European security is to be warmly

commended. This initiative is proof of the positive role that

the neutral countries can successfully play in this field.

62. The establishment of a system of collective security in

Europe would have far-reaching significance extending

beyond the borders of our continent. The very fact of its

establishment would go a long way towards reducing the

danger of a world war and safeguarding world security and

peace. The achievement of this task would be one of the

greatest victories of the peoples in their arduous struggle for

a lasting peace.

63. As a Balkan country situated at the heart of the

peninsula, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria attaches the

greatest importance to its relations with the Balkan

countries and to security and peace in the Balkans, a region

where States with different social systems exist side by side.

Undoubtedly this new Balkan situation will give rise to new

problems, but it also creates new and greater possibilities

for the fruitful development of relations between these

States, based on the principles of peaceful coexistence.

Bulgaria has already taken numerous initiatives which have

contributed to the improvement of the political climate of

the Balkans, to the strengthening of mutual confidence and

understanding between Balkan countries and to the development

of their economic, scientific and cultural relations.

The Bulgarian Government has concluded many agreements

with its neighbours that have made it possible to solve

numerous problems which have long hampered relations

between the Balkan countries. Bulgaria is determined to

continue its efforts for the further development of bilateral

relations with the other Balkan countries so as to transform

south-east Europe into a region of good neighbours, an

essential element of collective security and co-operation in

Europe.

64. Problems of international security are closely linked

with problems of disarmament. The achievement of further

progress in the sphere of disarmament is an essential

condition for relaxation of international relations and the

restoration of confidence among States.

65. The conclusion of agreements for genuine disarmament

would be the best proof that States did not intend to

settle their difficulties by the use or threat of force. Past

experience confirms that even the implementation of

partial disarmament measures has a favourable influence on

the international climate. The past few years have shown

that given goodwill, such agreements are possible. Although

they are only a start towards the limitation of the arms

race, they are a good and encouraging start. At present the

question is to prevent backsliding and to ensure that

agreements already concluded do not lose their practical

value. I have in mind in particular, the Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution

2373 (XXI)]. We support the Secretary-General’s appeal

to all States to ratify the Treaty so that it may come into

force as soon as possible [see 4/7601/Add.1, para. 35].

66. In connexion with disarmament, our country is at

present devoting special attention to the question of the

prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling

of chemical and bacteriological (biological) weapons, and

the destruction of such weapons. The particular importance

of this problem is brought out convincingly in the report by

the Secretary-General of the United Nations. My delegation

hopes that the General Assembly will adopt a decision

on the urgent need to conclude a convention on these

particularly dangerous and barbarous weapons; this would

constitute an outstanding achievement at the present

session. As is emphasized in the letter from the nine

socialist countries [A/7655], such a decision would be an

important contribution to world peace.

67. The list of major international problems which are no

closer to a solution is unfortunately very long. High on this

list stand questions concerning the complete and final

elimination of the colonial system and of under-development

in the newly liberated countries.

68. It has frequently been pointed out at the present

session that decolonization has come to a halt in recent

years. There has been a steady aggravation of colonial

oppression and inhuman exploitation of the African

peoples, of racism and apartheid, and of the cruel methods

used against groups and individuals fighting for the rights

and freedoms of oppressed peoples in South Africa,

Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonies. The

Governments of these countries not only refuse to implement

United Nations resolutions, but treat the most

fundamental humanitarian principles with contempt.

69. One may therefore well ask what it is that prevents the

realization of the aims proclaimed ten years ago in the

Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial

Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. Do the

régimes in South Africa, Portugal and Southern Rhodesia

really have the power to oppose the historical process of

decolonization, the collective will of the international

community and the struggle of the oppressed peoples? Of

course not. It is not primarily from their national resources

that these countries derive the political, financial and

military means to preserve colonial régimes in Africa. These

means are mainly provided through the assistance and

support of a number of imperialist States and leading

financial monopolies.

70. In this connexion may I quote statements made by

Mr. George Ball, the former United States Under-Secretary

of State, according to whom the disintegration of the

colonial system would lead to “chaos” and “political

weakness” in the world. He speaks of “the perilous passage

of more than one billion people from colonial status ... to

juridical independence within the period of two decades”.

He adds that for the United States, “...the demise of

colonialism has meant not the interruption but the beginning

of world involvement ...”, a process in which it has

been propelled onto the power vacuums created by the

“withdrawal of Europe“. Therefore, for some countries,

the collapse of the colonial system, the struggle for freedom

and national independence, the formation of independent

States in Africa and in other continents spell a “political

vacuum”, a “peril” to their interests, and disorder. They do

not wish decolonization to proceed to its completion.

71. It is obvious that in order to bring the process of

decolonization out of its present state of stagnation, it is

necessary for the major Western powers, especially the

United States and the United Kingdom, to end their direct

or indirect support to reactionary régimes in South Africa,

Portugal and Southern Rhodesia. It would then not be

difficult to make those countries conform to the will of the

international community, which demands the final elimination

of the infamous colonial system.

72. The United Nations is faced with another important

problem: the elimination of the economic backwardness of

many countries as a result of prolonged colonial domination.

The Secretary-General has said in the introduction to

his annual report that “in order to bridge the widening

development gap, there must be a sincere willingness on the

part of the international community to do so”

[A/7601/Add.1, para. 85]. In other words, the existence of a

“political will” in all States and Governments is necessary

in order to make an effective contribution to the rapid

economic and social development of the young States. Has

this condition been fulfilled on the eve of the Second

United Nations Development Decade?

73. To answer that question it is necessary to consider the

present state of international economic co-operation as

organized and co-ordinated by the United Nations. This

co-ordination can be effective only if its main objective is

to remove the obstacles which lie in the developing

countries’ path towards economic and social progress. Can

one expect substantial results in this field if many Western

countries — the major economic partners of the countries of

the third world — continue to consider and treat those

countries mainly as sources of cheap raw materials and as

objects of exploitation? Policies which impede the progress

of final decolonization are also a major obstacle to the

ambition of the recently-liberated countries to ensure

sufficiently rapid development for their peoples.

74. Within the framework of international activities for

development, specific and effective measures must be taken

to safeguard the economic interests of the young States.

That is the main direction in which the United Nations

should channel its action to resolve the problems of

under-development. Mere disapproval of neo-colonialist

methods and practices in international economic relations is

not sufficient. The greatest help which the United Nations

could give the countries of the third world would be to

assist them in the effective mobilization of their own

domestic resources to build an independent national economy.

75. A quarter of a century ago, the United Nations laid

down in its Charter the democratic, progressive and humane

principles on which the relations between States and

peoples should be based. These principles reflected the

deepest aspirations of millions of human beings throughout

the world who had survived the horrors of a war of

extermination, as well as the most ardent desire of the

peoples to lay the foundations of a world of security, peace

and fruitful co-operation. The most important principles of

the Charter of the United Nations require that the solution

of international problems should at the same time ensure

respect for the interests of all peoples, great and small,

regardless of their social and political régime. These

principles are the very essence of peaceful coexistence, as

defined at the time of the establishment of the first socialist

State by Lenin, whose centenary will be celebrated by the

peoples of the whole world in 1970. These principles

correspond to the present trend in the development of the

international community and to the realities of today’s world.

76. The Bulgarian people, who recently celebrated the

twenty-fifth anniversary of the establishment of their

socialist Republic, are deeply convinced that a universal and

lasting peace is no longer Utopian but is a realizable goal.

Our peoples are prepared, as always, to join all other

peoples in an effort to reach this goal during this

generation, in accordance with the noble principles of the Charter.