Bangladesh, 1992

The General Assembly stands poised at a

vital watershed. It is a time of opportunity and challenge, of promise and

uncertainty, of hopes and unfulfilled expectations. In many ways we are

entering new and uncharted territory. We must beat out our own track with

caution, deliberation and conviction. We must, above all, invoke and nurture

that spirit of commonality, commitment, innovation and imagination that is so

uniquely manifest today, as we confront together the unprecedented transition

in world affairs.

We are all conscious of the significance of this moment in history. We

are in the last decade of a tumultuous century and millennium. We are

straddling the threshold of a new century a new era carrying with us the

aspirations of our people for a better, more prosperous, peaceful and

fulfilling life. Three years from now the United Nations will celebrate its

fiftieth anniversary. Our efforts in the interim will surely determine its

course for future generations.

There is no doubt that the United Nations is but a reflection of the

wishes of its component parts. It is in a real sense the collective

instrument for promoting the interests of all States, weak or strong, rich or

poor, large or small. At the heart of its success or failure is the

contribution to its purposes and principles that each individual country must

make. It is the sum total of these individual efforts that is the real

foundation of the success of the United Nations in maintaining peace, securing

justice and human rights, and promoting the key Charter prerogative of "social

progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".

I reaffirm today the total commitment of Bangladesh to furthering the

objectives of the United Nations Charter and the cause of multilateralism.

Indeed, this is a constitutional commitment. In doing so, I would like to

underscore the dominant theme of my statement: How can a relatively small

State contribute towards making this Organization a viable instrument, capable

of dealing effectively and comprehensively with all aspects of human

development, be they political, economic, social or environmental?

Mr. President, before I proceed further, let me join my voice to the

well-deserved tributes paid to you. Sir, on your election to the high office

of President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. Your

knowledge and experience will, I am sure, guide us well in these challenging

times. I am confident that you will do great honour to the legacy left by

your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi, of Saudi Arabia, to whom we

are all deeply indebted.

We extend our warm tribute to the Secretary-General,

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. He has taken charge and is steering the course of

our Organization at perhaps its most daunting period of renewal, revival and

resurgence. We pledge to him our unstinted support and cooperation in the

furtherance of his endeavours.*

I would also like to welcome in our midst the many new countries that

have taken their seat in the General Assembly this year, swelling our ranks to

179 Member States. Most of them represent peoples who have recently gained

freedom. Their" presence strengthens not only our common goal for universality

but adds a new forceful voice that gives meaning to the expression of the very

first words of the Charter of the United Nations: "We the peoples of the

United Nations". We look forward to working with them in close and friendly

cooperation.

Previous speakers have discussed at length the nature of the contemporary

world setting, the massive pressures that have radically changed relationships

between States and individuals, and the resulting positive and negative trends

that have emerged. It is not my intention to repeat this analysis. Suffice

it to say that one paramount task emerges: how to tilt the balance of

contradictory forces in favour of the evolution of a new, more beneficial,

more just and peaceful world order.

At the heart of the issue is the creation of an environment of peace.

Ironically, the sources of conflict are rooted in the absence of progress in

objectives we most seek to promote the enhancement of human rights and

fundamental freedoms, the promotion of sustainable economic and social

development for wider prosperity, the alleviation of human distress, and the

curtailment of the existence and use of weapons of mass destruction.

Of real concern to third world countries are certain negative impulses.

A prime factor is continuing anxiety that their interests are being

marginalized both politically and economically. Insularity and internal

domestic preoccupations of the major Powers open up prospects of a power

vacuum and of the consequent danger of regional competition and hegemony.

Diversion of resources along an East-West axis can leave the South starved of

political resources and investment.

These fears are multiplied by the emergence of new constraints that

circumscribe development cooperation standards of good governance, rigid

structural adjustment measures, environmental criteria and scrutiny of

military intentions and preparedness.

What is basically at issue is a degree of perception. It is not opposition to

these recognizably needed changes, but resistance to any form of dictation

with regard to how they should be achieved. A flexible attitude is perhaps

the best prescription. Too often the role of people has been ignored to the

peril of the world community. One extreme manifestation is that national

self-assertion has resurfaced. It has brought realization to the right of

self-determination, but it has also released long-suppressed ethnic, cultural,

linguistic and cultural rivalries and has unleashed bigotry, extremism and

violence. This is at a time when, after years of patient pressure, racism and

racial discrimination were being isolated and apartheid dismantled. They have

generated powerful centrifugal forces that threaten established boundaries.

At the same time, poverty, disease, famine and repression have joined together

to produce a massive movement of people within and beyond national borders

17 million refugees and 20 million displaced persons worldwide all of which

have combined to create a new dimension of insecurity that must be addressed

in all its ramifications.

The pre-eminent task before us is to forge a new, more focused and

action-oriented world agenda to promote peace, tolerance, justice and

development. It is of crucial import that this should be time-targeted,

prioritized, fully-funded and cost-efficient.

The structure and shape of this agenda has already assumed significant

substance. The first-ever summit of the Security Council members took place

in January 1992. The outcome of that meeting concentrated on an agenda for

peace encompassing preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and what

the Secretary-General characterized as post-conflict peace-building. Other

substantial inputs have been made or are envisaged including, inter alia:

the 1990 World Summit for children; the special session of the United Nations

General Assembly on narcotic drugs; the 1992 Rio de Janeiro Conference on

Environment and Development; the 1993 summit on human rights; the 1994

conference on population and development; the 1995 world conference on women

and a world summit for social development. These accompany far-reaching

proposals that are under way to reform, strengthen and streamline the

Organization to enable it to fulfil its responsibility as the central organ

for the cooperative management of the world's problems.

If the world Organization is to succeed and flourish, it will depend as

much on the resilience of its Member States to prosper individually as on

their ability constructively to contribute to its great goals and purposes.

Positive efforts by each country cumulatively strengthen the sum total of the

United Nations mandate. What then is Bangladesh's contribution to this grand

design?

The quest for a new world order must begin with putting our own house in

order. In our region, Bangladesh has sought actively to maintain the momentum

and credibility of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation

(SAARC) and by promoting its essentially socio-economic mandate to create a

broad-based climate of confidence-building, to reduce tension in the region

and to resolve outstanding bilateral differences by dialogue and negotiation.

It is on us, as Chairman of the forthcoming seventh summit of SAARC, that the

onus of responsibility has fallen to promote these aims in more productive and

tangible ways, especially as SAARC stands poised to enter its second cycle of

annual summit meetings.

Bilaterally, the democratically elected Government of

Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, has initiated concerted steps to bolster a

new chapter of positive interaction with our immediate neighbours, following

years of inactivity. The upsurge of democracy throughout the region has

significantly contributed to this objective. In recent months official visits

by the Prime Minister to Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan have been motivated by

one major determinant to eschew past inhibitions and look to the future.

Some issues remain complex and sensitive but approaches to solutions are being

forged through continuing and pragmatic dialogue.

The exodus of Myanmar refugees to Bangladesh since November 1991 imposed

a heavy additional burden on the new government, coming as it did in the wake

of the devastating cyclone of May 1991 and the cumulative adverse impact of

the aftermath of the Gulf War. The option of confrontation loomed large. Yet

through circumspection, restraint and a conscious defusion of tension, the

groundwork was laid for an eventual solution by mutual agreement in April 1992.

Despite this agreement, some 270,000 Myanmar refugees still remain in our

territory as efforts continue to repatriate them in honour, safety and dignity

and above all on a voluntary basis. Given the dire compulsions under which

the refugees fled, the process of persuading them to return is a difficult and

drawn-out one. Time targets are at best approximate and increase the

liabilities of the Government in terms of costs, environmental damage and

tension with and among the local population. The critical catalyst for

guaranteeing safe repatriation and resettlement remains an impartial United

Nations presence. Efforts continue to overcome Myanmar's reticence on this

score. Yet, bilaterally the two countries are cooperating positively. I am

happy to announce that the first minimal step has been taken with the

voluntary repatriation of some 49 refugees on 23 September 1992. It is hoped

this will constitute a crack in the wall towards the voluntary return of the

remaining refugees.

Globally, Bangladesh supports all measures to strengthen the United

Nation's capacity to prevent war and resolve conflicts and to extend this

capacity in new and imaginative ways. It is of key importance to preserve the

security of small States and to promote the concept of preventive diplomacy,

especially to anticipate and contain damage in times of man-made or natural

disasters. It is a matter of some satisfaction that the role of the United

Nations in helping to resolve the Myanmar refugee problem was the first

objective test of preventive diplomacy in action. The visit of

Mr. Jan Eliasson, the Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs, to Bangladesh and

Myanmar respectively, was to trigger the agreement between the two countries

for repatriation of the refugees.

We believe that there is a real chance today that collective security can

be achieved through promotion of the unrealized premises of the United Nations

Charter, including the fostering of regional security arrangements under

Chapter VIII. Regional groupings can and must concentrate on harnessing

durable structures of stability, starting at the base and working through

confidence-building measures and broad-based socio-economic cooperation.

Reduced reliance on military security must be buttressed through

monitoring, regulating and limiting the growing traffic in arms. At the

national level, doctrines of minimum defence self-sufficiency equated with the

innovative use of armed forces as human development investment could lead to a

realistic release of a peace dividend. One recent measure of note in

Bangladesh is that budget allocations for defence this year are less than

those for education. At the same time, we have purposefully contributed to

United Nations peace-keeping efforts through the despatch of military and

civilian contingents to monitor the elections in Namibia, to police cease-fire

lines in the Gulf, to help clear mines and support the restructuring effort in

Kuwait, and to assist the United Nations peace processes in Cambodia,

Yugoslavia and Western Sahara. We strongly support the strengthening of the

financial and institutional base of peace-keeping and its growth in new and

imaginative directions.

We have striven, through specific initiatives, to participate

constructively and with moderation and pragmatism in all socio-economic

forums, especially to project the concerns of the least developed countries

and to keep alive the commitment to preferential treatment of the poorest of

the poor. The critical socio-economic situation in Africa deserves special

attention.

In Bangladesh we have learnt one fundamental lesson: there is no

shortcut to progress, no matter how reliable or generous our friends may be.

Whether it relates to achieving freedom from political oppression, vindicating

human rights or seeking social and economic emancipation, a country must

ultimately depend on itself.

Three consequent goals have emerged: first and foremost, to bolster

individual self-reliance and move away from aid-centricity to more defined

development cooperation; secondly, to intensify South-South cooperation and

collective self reliance in such specific and practical areas as food

production, manpower planning, trade, investments and joint ventures and

modalities to implement them; and finally, to reactivate constructive

North-South dialogue and the creation of an external environment conducive to

the revitalizing of growth and the targeting, in particular, of the reduction

and elimination of poverty.

There has been a growing convergence of strategies to redress the

critical issues of falling investment, reduction and restructuring of debt,

trade promotion and the transfer of technology. Successful conclusion of the

Uruguay Round remains a pressing priority. These goals must be pursued to a

logical and urgent conclusion.

Another crucial element must be stressed: the development objective must

be put in sharper focus than the theme of adjustment that has long

overshadowed it; structural adjustment measures are necessary, but must avoid

undue hardships which often lead the poorest sections of the population to

bear a disproportionate part of the burden.

At home, a crucial policy imperative has been the drawing up of a vision

and strategy for the future that would align participatory democracy with the

country's development needs. This new development perspective focuses on

human development, participatory planning, and greater induction and

involvement of women in development and the alleviation of poverty. It

recognizes the need to raise investment so as to achieve growth in excess of

5 per cent per annum, and identifies efficiency improvement as one of the

important means of attaining this end. It aims at achieving a symbiosis

between agriculture and industry that will address the needs of growth,

employment generation and poverty alleviation. To ensure that this link is

sustained and can lead to a take-off for the economy, investment in the social

sectors is given central importance.

The factors I have mentioned highlight one basic reality: the fabric of

self-reliance is intimately woven out of three strands democracy,

development and human rights.

Our own experience has underlined certain basic truths. Without

democracy, a people's potential for socio-economic progress cannot flower.

Equally, without improved standards of living and a vision for the future that

can sustain hope, democracy will wither. Human rights become meaningless in

the face of the dire constraints of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy.

No other right can take precedence over the amelioration of this condition.

Bangladesh fully reaffirms that basic human rights and fundamental

freedoms are of universal validity. We believe that a human rights culture

embracing all freedoms must evolve in a uniform way. Perhaps the most vital

aspect of this that has yet to find universal acceptance is recognition of the

right to development. Surely, peace and stability cannot be achieved unless

conditions are created to remove the root causes of war and conflict, that is,

economic and social deprivation.

We look forward to participating in the second World Conference on Human

Rights, in June 1993, and to ensuring that the Conference addresses all

aspects of human rights on the basis of universality, indivisibility and

impartiality.

Since the only real protection of small and weaker States is firmly

rooted in the rule of law, Bangladesh has constantly striven to promote its

progressive development and codification internationally and regionally, and

to promote its due reflection at home through enabling legislation. We shall

remain active in pursuing these endeavours, especially in promoting such

priority areas as the non-navigational uses of international water-courses,

the international law of the sea, environmental protection and the status of

refugees, economic migrants and displaced persons. No one can doubt the

serious potential for conflict that the absence of law holds in these areas.

They remain a pressing priority for concentrated movement forward.

Through national legislation, its regional extension and international

participation, we have also contributed to addressing solutions to global

problems of drugs, terrorism and protection of the environment. We welcome in

particular the outcome of the Rio Conference, which has addressed the issues

of environment and development, which are inextricably linked. Sustainable

development calls for a new global partnership, including the provision of new

and additional financial resources to developing countries and adequate access

for them to environmentally sound technology.

Social aspects must also remain at the heart of our endeavours,

especially concentration on disadvantaged groups that the pursuit of economic

growth tends to bypass. We therefore wholeheartedly support the convening of

the World Summit for Social Development.

Bangladesh supports the view that the full integration of women in the

development process at all levels is of critical importance. We stand

committed to promoting the success of the World Conference on Women to be held

in 1995.

Equally, the rights and status of children remain a paramount priority.

This year the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, along with the

United Nations Children's Fund, is focusing particular attention on the rights

of children in South Asia, in keeping with the commitment of the countries of

the region to the full implementation of the Declaration and Plan of Action of

the World Summit for Children.

No statement is complete if we do not address ourselves to some of the

outstanding conflict and tension points around the globe. Since the creation

of the United Nations, over 100 major conflicts have taken a toll of some

20 million dead. The cold war imposed its own peculiar threat to security.

With its demise, vital new possibilities have opened up for forging a new

security regime. The United Nations has emerged as a central instrument for

the prevention and resolution of conflicts. Bangladesh is determined to

contribute in whatever ways it can, directly or indirectly, to making it more

effective and responsive in new and creative ways.

I turn now to the critical political issues on our agenda.

Bangladesh's consistent and categorical position on the Middle East

question and the issue of Palestine needs no reiteration. We believe the

Palestinians' cause to be founded on justice. We welcome the convening of the

peace conference and the start of substantive parallel negotiations over the

framework of a peaceful settlement. We believe that this should be

comprehensive, should include Palestine, and must be based on a serious

commitment by Israel to abide by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967),

338 (1973) and 425 (1978), and the principle of returning land for peace. It

is our hope that Israel will show sincerity of purpose and greater flexibility

and will refrain from delaying the peace process.

It is our fervent hope that all parties in Afghanistan will respect the

cease-fire and faithfully implement the Peshawar Accord of April 1992, which

reflected a broad consensus of all Afghan leaders. This would lay the

groundwork for holding free and fair elections so that a permanent government

could emerge reflecting the wishes and aspirations of the Afghan people. At

the same time, it would ensure much needed political, economic and social

stability. There is vital need for the world community to contribute

generously and actively towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of

Afghanistan and towards the safe and voluntary return of refugees to their

homeland.

The implementation of the 1991 Paris Agreement on a comprehensive

settlement in Cambodia has progressed apace, despite obstacles raised by one

of the four factions to move into the second phase of implementation. We

welcome this advance and commend the intense and diverse attempts by the

United Nations to nurture national reconciliation to foster the democratic

process and to build peace and stability. In our own small way, as a part of

the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Bangladesh is

committed to end the suffering of the Cambodian people and to allow them to

determine freely their own destiny.

The vicious cycle of starvation, factional fighting, the break-down of

central authority, the violence and the exodus of refugees in Somalia has

shocked the world. The response has been belated. We fully support the

Security Council decision to strengthen the United Nations peace-keeping

presence so as to break this cycle through a comprehensive programme of action

that could reach vital relief assistance, consolidate the cease-fire, curtail

violence and bring about national reconciliation. We also welcome the efforts

of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Organization of the Islamic

Conference (OIC) and the Arab League to convene a conference on national

reconciliation and unity in Somalia.

The upheaval in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a

cause of utmost concern. It has unleashed a bitter mix of conflict, ambition,

hatred and ethnic brutality. The August 1992 London Conference and the

mechanisms it has instituted remain a vital hope for the intensification of

the search for solutions in all aspects and on a continuous basis. Meanwhile,

the world is appalled by the Serbian aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by

the massacre of innocent civilians, the systematic persecution and even

annihilation through the abhorrent policy of "ethnic cleansing".

Bangladesh has taken a forthright stand in all international forums to

condemn these acts. It has joined in the call for more decisive and resolute

action that would reverse the aggression, stop the brutality, and ensure the

unhindered supply of relief. We have also denied the claim of Serbia and

Montenegro to be the successor State of former Yugoslavia in the United

Nations and other international bodies. We believe that much more needs to be

done to end the bloodshed and fully restore the sovereignty, independence and

territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We remain steadfast in our support for the people of South Africa in

their struggle to achieve their cherished goal of equal rights and majority

rule. There can be no compromise until we have achieved the complete

dismantling of apartheid. The international community must remain vigilant in

its efforts to bring an effective end to the recent outbreak of violence and

create conditions for negotiations leading towards a peaceful transition to a

democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.

Bangladesh welcomes the intensification of efforts to find a just and

viable solution to the Cyprus problem. We commend the Secretary-General for

his personal initiatives a»id role in the difficult process of reaching

agreement on a broad-based set of ideas leading towards an overall framework

agreement. We hope that the leaders of the two communities who are to meet on

26 October 1992 will pursue direct and uninterrupted negotiations to reach an

amicable and durable solution that will serve the legitimate interests of both

communities.

In Western Sahara, we fully support the Secretary-General's initiatives

to reactivate the implementation of the settlement plan and to help overcome

differences over criteria of eligibility to vote. We hope that the referendum

can be effectively organized and supervised and thus bring about an early end

to this long-standing dispute.

In other parts of the third world, bilateral, regional and international

efforts have seen many positive initiatives and advances. It is the combined

solidarity and sustained moral pressure of the world community that has

created a climate conducive to peaceful change. The enhanced role and

contribution of the International Court of Justice also now assumes much

greater relevance and credibility and must be strengthened.

Let me say in conclusion that the world has reached a critical point in

its struggle to advance stability and well-being. No doubt violence,

aggression, foreign occupation, narrowly conceived nationalism, racial and

religious discrimination and gaping social and economic disparities still

persist. Yet there is today greater confidence and conviction that a better

world is truly within our reach. We are faced with an opportunity rare in the

history of civilization to carry forward the momentum to resolve disputes

peacefully, to promote partnership and responsible relations among States, to

strengthen the rule of law and uplift the quality of life of all peoples in

greater freedom. We must surely move with deliberation towards the

realization of what the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, calls

"the vast potential of this unique Organization to bring new life to the

world of the Charter." (A/47/1, para. 170)