Bangladesh, 1996

Mr. President, please

accept our heartfelt congratulations on the assumption of

your high office. Your unanimous election is a tribute to

your great country, with which we enjoy friendly and

fraternal relations. It is also a testimony to your diplomatic

skills and personal standing in this world forum, where, on

so many occasions, you have articulated most persuasively

the concerns of the international community, particularly

those of the marginalized and vulnerable. You are assured

of the unstinting support of my delegation in the discharge

of your very heavy responsibilities.

I should like to convey to your predecessor, the

President of the General Assembly at its historic fiftieth

session, His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, our

appreciation for a job well done.

I should also like to pay a special tribute to our

Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. In a very

real sense, he is the first Secretary-General of the post-

cold-war period, and has had to contend with issues and

problems that were perhaps furthest from the minds and

intentions of the founding fathers of our Organization. To

his high office he has brought to bear clarity of vision

and purpose, and a remarkable ability — as we have seen

from two seminal reports, on the Agenda for Peace and

the Agenda for Development — to present complex

analyses and facts in a simple, distilled form. For nearly

half a decade, he has handled what was once described by

one of his predecessors as “the most impossible job on

this earth” with verve, dignity and integrity.

Over two decades ago, the father of our nation,

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, addressed the

General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session, soon after

Bangladesh’s entry into the United Nations as a fully-

fledged Member. In his speech he outlined some cardinal

tenets, the basic focus and thrust of our foreign policy,

and our domestic priorities. These hold good even today,

in a world that has undergone radical transformation. As

Bangabandhu stated, our foreign policy is based on the

principles of peaceful coexistence and friendship towards

all.

Our political party, the Awami League, has only

recently been returned to office, through the process of

general elections, after a gap of more than 20 years. As

was stressed by our leader at the twenty-ninth session of

the General Assembly, our total commitment to peace is

born of the realization that only in an environment of

peace can our people concentrate their energies and

resources in combating the scourges of poverty, hunger,

disease, illiteracy and unemployment that still beset a

large proportion of humankind. We naturally place special

importance and emphasis on the development of good-

neighbourly relations with the countries of our region, on

the basis of universally accepted principles of peaceful

coexistence, mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial

integrity and non-interference in each other’s internal

affairs. We identify wholeheartedly with the aspirations

and hopes of developing countries in general, particularly

those belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement, and share

a special affinity with the fraternal member States of the

Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). We share

with our development partners the goal of improving the

quality of life of our people, and our relations with them

are of the greatest significance to us.

5

The existence of friendly and good-neighbourly

relations does not necessarily preclude the emergence of

problems. What these can ensure, however, is that the best

of political will, goodwill and good intentions are brought

to bear in seeking solutions to any outstanding problems or

any new ones that may arise. Such an approach would go

a long way towards resolving any differences or disputes.

Our outstanding problem with India over the sharing

of the waters of the Ganges River is not unknown to this

forum. Water resources play a predominant role in the

socio-economic development of a country. For Bangladesh,

the availability of fresh river water in adequate volumes is

indispensable for purposes of agriculture, irrigation,

fisheries, river traffic, maintaining ecological and

environmental balance and preventing the intrusion of

salinity. The importance that we attach to this issue cannot

be overemphasized and we have resumed bilateral

discussions with India, in an atmosphere of mutual

confidence and trust, to resolve this vexed problem

amicably and equitably so that our legitimate concerns can

be met.

On the subject of water resources, I should like to

digress a little from the purely national and also bilateral

context, because the shortage of fresh water resources is

not, let me emphasize, unique or peculiar to Bangladesh or

our region. Even from the international perspective, it is an

issue of primal significance. According to a recent strategy

paper of the Committee on Natural Resources of the

Economic and Social Council, by the year 2025, 52

countries with a total population of more than 3 billion

people will be water-stressed or face chronic water scarcity.

The problem has as much to do with the availability of

fresh water in the overall global context as with the fact

that such resources, even when available in abundant

quantities, may be found in the wrong places or are

available at the wrong times. The problem, therefore, is

intimately and intricately linked to efficient water

management.

The question of water is not new to the global agenda

and, since the Mar del Plata Conference in March of 1977,

there have been international programmes on water-related

issues. It has not, however, in our view, received the

priority that it deserves. An international code of conduct

for water-sharing was provided for in the Mar del Plata

Action Plan and, as the strategy paper of the Committee on

Natural Resources suggests, an international code of water

ethics is needed more urgently today than ever before as a

guide to help countries in their efforts to reach bilateral and

multilateral agreements. The paper also suggests an

international convention on freshwater resources along the

lines of those that already exist on biodiversity, ozone

depletion and climate change. In particular, the paper

stresses that the United Nations should develop principles

and ethics on sharing the joint planetary freshwater

resources. These are ideas that, in our view, warrant

serious consideration by the world community.

Reverting to the subject of our Government’s

priorities, let me just add that, in the domestic sphere, like

all other developing countries, we are striving for a

human development paradigm that will prioritize people,

especially the most vulnerable and disadvantaged sectors.

We will pursue a programme of reforms with emphasis

on our domestic considerations: poverty alleviation and

economic growth with social justice. The social sectors

will receive special attention.

The 1990s has been a period of democratic renewal.

Our Government firmly believes that it is as important,

and perhaps more difficult, to live up to great principles

and ideas as to fight for their realization. That is why we

shall strive to strengthen our polity through institutions

and laws.

Through constitutional amendment, an important

innovation for democratic institutions and practice was

effected in Bangladesh, following overwhelming popular

demand, prior to our general elections in June. Three

months before general elections are to be held, the

Government will demit office and hand over power to a

non-partisan and neutral caretaker Government to be

headed by the most recently retired Chief Justice of the

country and comprised of eminent apolitical personalities

appointed on his advice, keeping in mind the sensitivities

of the major political parties. The principal mandate of

the caretaker Government will be to ensure free and fair

general elections to be conducted by an independent

constitutional authority, the Election Commission. Foreign

observers were welcome to observe the electoral process,

completely unhindered, in 1996 and 1991. Reports

submitted by international observers can be of help in

identifying any shortcomings or gaps that may exist and

also contain constructive suggestions for improvement.

These steps are the national equivalents of confidence-

building measures between and among States.

Democracy, of course, goes well beyond the holding

of periodic general elections. It is a continuous process

and even a culture and ethos, which above all denote a

certain approach and attitude to governance. We in

Bangladesh see democracy as more than a laudable and

6

desirable objective. In the long term, democratic and

accountable government affords the most efficacious and

stable medium to develop the economy of a State and to

achieve prosperity for its people. The very apposite point

has been made, however, that democracy cannot on its own

be a panacea for the diverse problems that confront many

countries. There must also be effective international

cooperation and a supportive external economic

environment if the major socio-economic problems are to

be meaningfully addressed.

The cold war is now truly behind us and the object

now is to win the peace. Peace is not simply the absence of

war, but should encompass every human condition,

necessity and amenity that make for a civilized and

dignified life. It is inseparable from security and is the flip

side of development. Political, economic and social issues

are today intimately and intricately intertwined. Political

internationalism without economic internationalism can only

be likened to a house built upon sand. Most emphatically

in this day and age of interdependence, no nation can

achieve its fullest development alone. This is an area where

the United Nations and the United Nations system clearly

have a constructive role to play.

The main purposes of the United Nations, as outlined

in Chapter I of the Charter, include the achievement of

international cooperation in solving international problems

of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character

and also to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of

nations in the attainment of these common ends.

The Bretton Woods institutions are, of course, major

players in the field of development policy and research.

There is also, in our view, a patent need and ample

justification in the Charter provisions for the United Nations

and the United Nations system to play a meaningful role in

global macroeconomic policy and strategy formulation. The

United Nations is the universal forum for dialogue and

decisions on such issues. This is an area in which, in

particular, a revitalized Economic and Social Council can

play a constructive and fruitful role. While the United

Nations economic role provides special focus on

operational, welfare and humanitarian activities, there is

certainly a need for greater harmony and coordination

between the United Nations systems on the one hand and

the Bretton Woods institutions on the other.

On the subject of development, let me reaffirm that a

supportive external environment is an indispensable

supplement to national efforts and policies. Poverty is

arguably the prime source of world disorder and needs to

be addressed, inter alia, through sustained and enhanced

flows of resources from the North to the countries of the

South. The gap between North and South is widening at

an ominous rate. In 1890, the wealth of each European

was twice that of a South Asian. Today, the gap is 70-

fold. In 1960, the per capita gross national product of the

richest 20 per cent of States was 30 times higher than that

of the poorest 20 per cent. By 1989, the gap had widened

to 60 times. By 1994, only four countries members of the

Development Assistance Committee (DAC) had reached

the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national

product as official development assistance. The average

figure for DAC countries actually fell from 0.31 per cent

in 1993 to 0.30 per cent in 1994. The least developed

countries’ share of world trade has plummeted in two

decades from 0.8 per cent to a mere 0.4 per cent.

The problems of the 48 least developed countries

continue to deserve special consideration on the global

development agenda. The Mid-term Global Review of the

Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries

for the 1990s has pointed to the limited progress made in

the implementation of commitments by our development

partners. The development initiatives of the least-

developed countries are stunted by problems associated

with formidable structural adjustment programmes, the

decline of an already low level of development resources,

and the extremely low level of exports compounded by

limited market access. The debt-relief measures taken thus

far have remained grossly inadequate. We urge our

development partners to adopt specific and concrete

measures to redress these problems. We welcome the

statements of several delegations that asked the removal

of barriers on the products of the least developed

countries. We believe that, at the forthcoming Ministerial

Meeting of the World Trade Organization in December,

every participant will work to remove all obstacles to

trade from this vulnerable group of countries.

The problems of developing countries are also, at

one remove, the problems of the whole world, because

prosperity, like peace and stability, is in the final analysis

indivisible. For developed countries, assistance to the

countries of the South will surely constitute an investment

in a more secure, stable and, I have no doubt, eventually

prosperous third world. The marginalization of developing

countries would be morally indefensible, politically self-

defeating and economically counter-productive. The

aspirations of the South and the prosperity of the North

are emphatically not mutually exclusive.

7

As the first United Nations Secretary-General put it,

the United Nations was as strong an Organization as the

representatives in San Francisco could agree upon. Half a

century later, the United Nations remains the indispensable

linchpin of any international order, a role for which it is

uniquely conditioned, equipped and mandated. I should like

to stress here that an effective and credible United Nations

is even more vital and relevant for the smaller and more

vulnerable States than for the more powerful ones.

In today’s vastly altered world, the United Nations and

its system offer even broader promise than what its

founding fathers could have envisioned. However, like all

organizations, the United Nations system is also subject to

the Darwinian dictum of “adapt or perish”. Much thought,

effort and work are therefore being devoted to the goal of

making the United Nations more attuned and responsive to

changing times and requirements, charting its future course

and defining its new emphases and priorities.

The United Nations areas of responsibility should

clearly cover problems or issues between States, especially

those that are pandemic in range and global in consequence.

Environmental degradation, human rights, burgeoning

populations, the situation and rights of women and children,

the depletion of non-renewable natural resources, drugs,

migration, international terrorism and corruption in

international business could very well — in addition to

issues of international peace, security and development —

be the topical objects of United Nations policies and

actions. We would, of course, want a United Nations that

is streamlined and focused, open and accountable, with

professional management systems and structures.

On the subject of Security Council reform, a number

of proposals have been mooted, including a wide-ranging

one by Italy. There is a broad convergence, if not

consensus, on the idea that the overall size of an expanded

Council should not exceed a figure in the low or mid-

twenties. An agreement as to whether expansion should

cover only the non-permanent category or both categories

of seats, or could even include a new semi-permanent

category, still continues to elude us. It is our view that

three aspects of the issue should be given priority.

Firstly, the smaller and the more vulnerable States that

by definition pose no threat to international security have

the most vital stakes in the United Nations. Their interests

and concerns may not be overlooked in any restructuring of

the Council. Experience also shows that smaller countries

with no vested interests have played a more constructive

role as Council members in general.

Secondly, the objective of any reform and

restructuring should be a more effective and dynamic

Council. Nothing should be allowed to detract from this.

Thirdly, the moral dimension in determining criteria

for possible new categories of membership or for any

addition to permanent ranks should be given due

consideration. This would include a country’s

commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter,

to democratic government and the essential freedoms,

human rights and, in general, respect for United Nations

decisions.

The Secretary-General is the most visible symbol

and personification of the United Nations and the United

Nations system. We see him as something more than the

chief administrative officer of the Organization, as

stipulated in the Charter, because he also has important

political responsibilities. A former Secretary-General was

of the view that the Secretary-General should be of help

in

“filling any vacuum that may appear in the systems

which the Charter and traditional diplomacy provide

for the safeguarding of peace and security”.

While efforts are being made to enhance the

effectiveness of the General Assembly, the Security

Council and the operational arms of the United Nations

system, we could perhaps consider ways of strengthening

the office of Secretary-General. One idea that we would

commend for consideration is the establishment of a

committee, along the lines of the General Committee of

the General Assembly, that the Secretary-General could

consult, formally or informally, collectively or by

individual member, on important administrative and

political issues. Such a committee would serve useful

purposes, particularly in ensuring the rightful role of the

General Assembly.

First, it would ensure closer interaction and exchange

between the Secretary-General and the General Assembly.

Secondly, it would provide the Secretary-General the

benefit of dispassionate counsel and a feel for the

thinking of Member States on issues in an institutional

manner. And, thirdly, it would make for greater

transparency in decision-making.

The objective of any reform and restructuring

exercise is a strengthened United Nations that is

institutionally better equipped to fulfil its mandate.

Reforms, however, can only supplement, not be a

8

substitute for the political will to do what is right and

warranted by the purposes and principles and other

provisions of the Charter. Over the years, when the United

Nations has floundered or failed, the predominant reasons

were more often, unfortunately, the lack of political will

rather than insuperable local difficulties or institutional

lacunas.

I should like to touch very briefly upon the dismal

financial situation of the United Nations, which has become

very serious indeed. Member States have every right and

even a duty to demand the best value for their money. The

United Nations, however, must be provided the wherewithal

to discharge its responsibilities. We welcome the United

States commitment to meet its financial obligations to the

United Nations and to pay its arrears over a five-year

period.

Some interesting suggestions on United Nations reform

have emanated from the Group of Seven Summit in Lyon

earlier this year. These envisage some savings from the

removal of overlap, improvement in the effectiveness of

some agencies and commissions, and consolidation and

rationalization of certain programmes. I have no doubt that

the Fifth Committee and perhaps the Advisory Committee

on Administrative and Budgetary Questions will look

closely at these proposals. We, of course, welcome the

suggestion that any savings from such reforms are planned

to be reinvested in development programmes.

A more realistic perspective of the expenditures

incurred by the United Nations is afforded by comparing

the United Nations budget with expenses incurred in certain

activities by national or even local Governments. For

example, in 1992, the United Nations regular assessed

budget was about the size of the New York City Fire

Department budget. In 1994, the cost of the entire United

Nations system, including all emergency operations, was

over $10 billion, or about $2 per capita of the planet’s

population. The expenditure on arms in the same year was

about $150 per capita.

While every scope and avenue for greater cost-

effectiveness should be explored, it is difficult to escape the

conclusion that the United Nations gives good value for

money. Expenditures on peacekeeping and the United

Nations system are in a real sense an investment in peace

and security.

Disarmament has always been accorded a very high

priority in the United Nations. In particular, the question of

nuclear disarmament has always received the highest

priority. With the end of the cold war, there is an

increasing awareness of the need to address this issue in

all earnestness. The indefinite extension of the Treaty on

the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) last year

and the adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban

Treaty by an overwhelming majority in the General

Assembly are welcome steps towards the ultimate goal of

nuclear disarmament. The International Court of Justice,

in its recent Advisory Opinion on the issue of nuclear

weapons, stressed the obligation

“to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion

negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its

aspects under strict and effective international

control”. (A/51/4, para. 182 (f))

Like chemical and biological weapons, nuclear

weapons must be outlawed. In the post-cold-war world,

they have became an anachronism. They do not enhance

international security and can only imperil world peace.

For Bangladesh, the pursuit of general and complete

disarmament is a fundamental principle of State policy.

As a new member of the Conference on Disarmament, we

are fully prepared to play a constructive role towards this

goal. Bangladesh, together with most members of the

G-21, has submitted a proposal in the Conference on

Disarmament on the elimination of nuclear weapons. This

has been circulated as a Conference on Disarmament

document. We accept that substantial reductions are being

made under START I and START II in the nuclear

arsenals of the two major nuclear Powers. The

uncomfortable fact remains, however, that even after

START II is completed by the year 2003 at the latest,

there will still be more nuclear warheads in existence than

in 1970, when the NPT came into force. The need to

move speedily towards a third START treaty and beyond

is very obvious.

Peacekeeping continues to be a most significant area

of United Nations activity. The United Nations has indeed

achieved some notable successes in peacekeeping

missions in recent times, examples of which include those

in El Salvador, Cambodia, Haiti, Mozambique and

Angola. Bangladesh is proud to play an active role in

United Nations peacekeeping activities. Our peacekeepers

have shed their blood and sacrificed their lives in the

cause of peace throughout the world.

There is room for cautious optimism on the issue of

Bosnia and Herzegovina. We sincerely hope that the

Dayton Agreement will be implemented in its entirety and

9

that a genuine peace will return to that beleaguered region.

Bangladesh will continue to support all efforts towards this

objective through regional as well as multilateral forums.

Recent developments in the Middle East have been of

concern to us all. Bangladesh expressed its grave concern

and outrage at the recent violence and killings that took

place in the West Bank and Gaza and the disrespect shown

to the holy Al-Aqsa Mosque. We call upon all concerned

to honour their commitments under the peace accord with

a view to finding a comprehensive and lasting peace in the

Middle East, which Bangladesh believes will enable the

emergence of a Palestinian State with Jerusalem as its

capital. The Government and the people of Bangladesh

stand by President Yasser Arafat and our Palestinian

brethren. We also reaffirm our commitment and support to

the Arab and Palestinian cause.

In a very real sense, the United Nations belongs to the

entire human family. Over the years, it has been a potent

moral force and an influence for the good. It remains the

only credible vehicle that can move the world towards the

goal of international peace and prosperity. The institution

of the United Nations itself, comprised of Member States

large and small, attests to mankind’s wisdom and desire for

peace. We have every confidence and hope that, in the

crucial years ahead, a revitalized United Nations will

continue to play an effective role in deciding the

transcendent policy issues of the day.

Differences between peoples, countries and nations can

and do exist, and yet all share a common vision, hopes and

aspirations. Good men and women all over the globe must

surely dream the same dreams of lasting peace and

happiness.

Over 50 years ago, a great world leader — one of the

architects of the Atlantic Charter and one of the first

persons to use the term “United Nations” — made an

impassioned plea for peace when he wrote:

“We are faced with the pre-eminent fact that if

civilization is to survive, we must cultivate the science

of human relationship — the ability of peoples of all

kinds to live together and work together in the same

world at peace.”

President Roosevelt did not live to speak those words,

which he wrote for what would have been his last address.

His words are surely relevant even today.