Argentina, 1992

I should

like to congratulate the President on his election. I am convinced that his

work at this session will be crowned with success, as was that of his

predecessor. Ambassador Shihabi, to whom we express our gratitude for his

outstanding work.

We have noted with satisfaction how our Organization, in keeping with its

universalist vocation, has increased its membership in the course of the past

year. We welcome the delegations of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and

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Herzegovina, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Moldova, Georgia,

Kazakhstan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan, and San Marino. Their presence

is perhaps the clearest demonstration of the deep-seated and positive changes

that have occurred in important parts of the world since the end of the cold

war.

Moreover, we would like to extend our recognition to the

Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali, for his hard and valuable work in the

course of the first year of his term of office, thereby continuing the

excellent job done by his predecessor, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. The

Secretary-General's stewardship has already had a sizeable impact on the

current international situation.

In our view, the general panorama of international relations, despite

some serious regional conflicts, gives rise to promising prospects throughout

the world. The end of the cold war and the considerable extension of

democracy and the economic opening-up in many countries encourage that

perception. This will necessarily lead to a reformulation of the North-South

relationship that will replace confrontation with cooperation. That

perception does not imply ignoring the seriousness of some regional conflicts,

in particular in the former Yugoslavia or the tragic situation of such

countries as Somalia. Neither war, hunger, poverty nor disease has been

eliminated. Far from it: situations persist that evoke horror and concern.

Moreover, in some regions there are still significant disputes that,

though lacking the tragic aspects of the troubles I have mentioned, none the

less impede the consolidation of stability. The case of the Malvinas Islands,

to which I shall refer later, is one example. In that regard, the situation

has unfortunately been affected recently by unilateral positions taken by the

British Government on the sensitive matters of hydrocarbons.

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In any case, apart from these issues, in recent years the world has taken

important steps towards creating a better framework for solving serious

problems. The fundamental change has undoubtedly been the more effective

functioning of the system of collective security established in San Francisco

in 1945. That major development is the prerequisite for moving towards full

respect for the purposes and principles of this Organization.

That explains the fundamental role of the Security Council, to which the

Charter allocated paramount responsibility for the maintenance of

international peace and security, and the necessity for all States firmly to

support that body and implement its decisions.

Convinced of that, in keeping with Article 25 of the Charter we strongly

support the decisions of the Security Council. We did so with regard to the

Gulf by participating in the coalition to liberate Kuwait, and we continue to

do so through our increasingly active presence in the peace-keeping operations

of the United Nations.

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Our support of the Security Council flows from our deeply-rooted beliefs

about the rules of conduct of civilized nations, from an appropriate

assessment of the world power balance and from our perception of Argentina's

actual interests. After long years of miscalculations and frustrations, today

Argentina needs to grow and develop. Our chances of doing so depend to a

great extent on our own efforts, but also on the existence of a world and

regional context of dialogue and cooperation that will enable us to devote our

energy and resources to that task. As a result, we also favour the regional

development of more specific formulas for cooperation with the United Nations.

There can be no doubt that the United Nations cannot on its own guarantee

the climate of detente that we need, which is to say that each region should

create mechanisms of its own. We, therefore, together with other American

countries, have supported reforms to the charter of the Organization of

American States with a view to giving it the power to respond politically to

breakdowns in democracy in our hemisphere. The organization is studying

specific responses, which we trust will soon be adopted.

By the same token, we have contributed, together with our neighbours, to

consolidating a promising subregional framework. The climate of harmony and

cooperation between the countries of the southern cone is a veritable example

for the world, and is the result of promising agreements on economic

integration, such as the Southern Cone Common Market, and of specific measures

to build confidence and transparency in the area of security. Our countries

are firmly united in the struggle against the proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction. Argentina, for its part, has turned this struggle into one of

the fundamental axes of its foreign policy.

The achievements have been particularly significant in the relationship

between Argentina and Brazil; in a few short months, we have signed a

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bilateral agreement on nuclear safeguards, set up a bilateral agency for

accounting and control of nuclear materials, signed an agreement on full

safeguards with the International Atomic Energy Agency - which has already

been ratified by my country and have successfully pushed for amendments to

the Treaty of Tlatelolco to allow it to come fully into force.

In this latter effort we have also joined with Chile and, later, with

Mexico. The changes to the Treaty of Tlatelolco are very positive, since they

offer guarantees that did not exist before on the control system, special

inspections and the protection of technological secrets. Argentina, Brazil

and Chile have committed themselves to beginning the process of legislative

approval of the amendments promptly. We are sure that in a few months all of

Latin America and the Caribbean will be protected by a nuclear-free zone in

full operation.

In addition to measures taken in the nuclear area, the southern cone

countries have signed the so-called Mendoza Declaration on chemical and

bacteriological weapons. This model document, which eradicates these weapons

from our region, is in complete conformity with the Convention on Chemical

Weapons recently negotiated in Geneva; that Convention has Argentina's

support, and is an undeniable triumph in the struggle against the

proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Argentina's firm commitment in this area has also been reflected in

concrete form in our domestic legislation. This year the Argentine Government

issued a decree which regulates sensitive nuclear, chemical, bacteriological

and missile exports, and incorporates major international agreements, such as

the Missile-Technology Control Regime (MTCR) outlines and the so-called

Australian "List of chemicals", into Argentina's legal system. It also

stipulates that Argentina shall coordinate its actions in the area of

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non-proliferation with other countries that have a similar approach. We plan

to accept the invitation to join the group of nuclear-exporting countries in

the near future. Naturally, if the main elements of the MTCR are incorporated

into Argentine legislation, they would expect our country to become a member

of that system.

I should like to emphasize that, besides contributing effectively to

non-proliferation, the new policy should serve to reopen Argentina's access to

high technology through international cooperation. Its former ambiguous

policy in this regard was a major obstacle in this field and was responsible,

to a great extent, for the technological backwardness of our country, and for

hindering procurement even of spare parts and minor supplies for our defence.

Another important contribution to stability in our part of the world has

been the complete normalization of diplomatic relations between Argentina and

the United Kingdom and the development of growing and fruitful economic and

trade links between the two. However, the dispute concerning sovereignty over

the Malvinas, Georgia and South Sandwich islands still persists. Today I

reaffirm the sovereign rights of my country over these territories and their

maritime areas. The permanent defence and reaffirmation of these inalienable

rights are at the core of Argentine foreign policy.

Thus, the recent decision of the United Kingdom Government to move

unilaterally into prospecting for oil in the area in dispute is strongly

rejected by my country. This rejection has been immediately transmitted to

the United Kingdom Government and to the potential prospecting companies.

This imprudent step by the United Kingdom stands in the way of the real

opportunities for cooperation in the South Atlantic and does not strengthen

the good bilateral relationship in which both countries are strongly

interested.

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These developments hinder our developing creative and pragmatic formulas

which, without undermining our inalienable rights, would foster cooperation in

the South Atlantic. We are convinced that the establishment of a cooperative

framework rather than of a confrontational one would benefit all those who

live in the South Atlantic area, including the inhabitants of the Malvinas.

It is the duty of the Argentine and British Governments to do their utmost

towards that end by overcoming major problems such as the ones that I have

described.

The Secretary-General is the author of the document entitled "An Agenda

for Peace" (A/47/277), which is a fundamental contribution towards outlining

the future structure of the United Nations. The document clearly indicates

what road must be taken to strengthen the Organization, particularly in the

area of preventing and ending conflicts. Argentina supports this document,

which is to a great extent in line with the conclusions of the Rio Group. We

share, in particular, the opinion of the Secretary-General that it is

necessary to set in motion all the mechanisms of collective security provided

for in the Charter, in a framework of strict observance of the areas of

competence established therein.

Peace-keeping operations have become one of the main instruments of the

international community. This year we have witnessed an unprecedented

participation by the Blue Helmets in four continents. Argentina has decided,

for its part, as a major component of its foreign policy, to participate

actively in this new development by providing military personnel and materiel.

In that connection, I wish to point out that the financing of

peace-keeping operations must be effected in a manner that balances the need

to ensure the effectiveness of such operations and the financial capabilities

of Member States. In that connection, we emphasize the special

75

responsibilities of the permanent members of the Security Council in that

respect, as well as the greater capability of the more economically developed

countries to cope with such expenditures.

The Secretary-General's report is at the same time an essential document

in the development of appropriate responses to current conflicts. Some of

these need decisive action on the part of the international community.

It is vital for us to continue to exert maximum pressure to put an end to

the tragedy in former Yugoslavia. Argentina supports the steps taken by the

Security Council, the Secretary-General and the European Economic Community,

and joins with those who demand respect for self-determination, for minorities

and for the boundaries of the republics of former Yugoslavia.

The tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with which Argentina is in the

process of establishing diplomatic relations, is a challenge to us all. We

join in the appeal to all parties to respect the principles I have mentioned,

and we demand that Belgrade contribute effectively to putting an end to the

aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The presence of more than a thousand Argentine soldiers in the United

Nations Protection Force bears witness to our interest in a solution that

respects both the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

We are also following, with concern, the difficulties in Cambodia and the

lack of progress in Western Sahara, and we are following political

developments in southern Africa with great attention. Argentina, for its

part, is paying particular attention to the special situation in South

Africa. Argentina and South Africa share the South Atlantic area and have

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great opportunities for future cooperation. That is why we again urge the

Government, the African National Congress of South Africa and all parties

involved in the search for a concerted solution to persevere, through

negotiations, in their efforts to find a solution to the serious problem

created by the policy of apartheid. The process of eradicating these terrible

practices must be completed and, at the same time, the establishment of a

democratic, free and peaceful society must be ensured in that great country.

76

I have mentioned the South Atlantic. We are firmly convinced that the

time has come for all the countries involved to set up concrete mechanisms of

cooperation in that important maritime area. The South Atlantic is one of the

few areas in the world on which there are no specific agreements. Argentina

advocates decisive advancement in that area.

Progress in the Peace Conference strengthens our hope for a solution to

the Arab-Israeli conflict. We feel that the role of the General Assembly at

this crucial stage is not so much to ratify well-known positions as it is to

contribute decisively to promoting agreement and flexibility among the

parties. Argentina is prepared to cooperate actively in the efforts to

achieve that goal. We must say that we feel deep admiration and respect for

the Middle Eastern leaders who have had the courage and vision to put aside

the rigidity of dialectics and undertake these crucial negotiations with

determination and in a conciliatory spirit.

We Argentinians have also suffered the consequences of the irrational

violence unleashed everywhere as a result of that serious situation. The

attack carried out last 17 March against the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires,

with its heavy toll, was an unmistakable sign of the tragic imprint left by

these conflicts at the criminal hands of international terrorism.

As regards other regional situations, we are pleased to note the current

progress in the high-level talks between the Cypriot leaders and the

Secretary-General. As a result, we look forward to a prompt agreement in the

framework of the good-offices mission of the Secretary-General. We wish to

commend the parties involved in this conflict, including Greece and Turkey,

for their spirit of cooperation, and the permanent members of the Security

Council for their active role in this process.

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We reiterate our firm support of the Security Council decisions regarding

the situation in the Persian Gulf and we insist that Iraq should abide by its

resolutions and fully respect the human rights of all minorities and of the

population as a whole.

One of the essential conditions for peace is the full enjoyment of human

rights. Argentina reaffirms its active role in the protection and promotion

of human rights and fundamental liberties in the deliberative international

bodies on human rights, both at the United Nations and the Organization of

American States (OAS).

It is also fitting to mention some serious problems that the

international community must face, attack and eliminate once and for all. I

am referring to drug trafficking, terrorism and corruption.

The first one drug trafficking - is at present a subject deserving of

concerted action by States. This, however, is not enough. We must get to the

deepest roots of this scourge at all its stages, from production to

consumption, and in particular the movement and laundering of its financial

resources. In their actions in this area, States must recognize the various

characteristics of the countries that are most involved. Argentina has joined

and will join any initiative that will allow us to put an end to this malady

that affects the whole of the international community, without exception.

As for terrorism, there can be no questions, only an answer in the form

of the strongest, most determined and implacable commitment of each State to

struggle against it until it is eradicated. Its activities are always deadly

and cruel. This year Argentina suffered one of the most savage terrorist

attacks in the annals of international crime. Our country will support all

steps or processes that will strengthen law and the respect for standards of

coexistence among nations.

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Finally, the cancer of corruption must be rooted out. It is harmful and

pernicious and undermines the efforts of States and their civilian societies

for the healthy development of their political, economic and social

institutions. Corruption knows no borders and coexists, or attempts to do so,

with any political or legal system on our planet. Argentina is in the front

lines of the struggle to combat this crime and to create the mechanisms for

doing so.

Allow me to return to our region and refer to some other facts of great

significance.

Argentina's foreign policy is geared towards creating an external context

favourable to the competitive incorporation of Argentina into the world

economy. In that regard, we have made the Southern Cone Common Market

(MERCOSUR) the axis of our activity in Latin America. The agreement on trade

and investment with the United States, called "Four plus One", shows that the

concepts of MERCOSUR and the Initiative for the Americas are fully

compatible. With MERCOSUR we endeavour to create a stable external context

for the economic growth of the four countries through the implementation of

collective economic discipline freely agreed upon by the parties. The concept

is characterized by a marked realism as to our potential and limitations.

MERCOSUR is not, nor could it be, the embryo of a new economic fortress.

Before the end of 1994 we will have a common external tariff, but we have

already clearly determined that it must allow for the increasing international

competitiveness of our economies. It would make no sense to close at the

subregional level the doors that each of our countries is opening at the

national level.

The reference to MERCOSUR leads me to recall that Argentina expects the

creation of great economic blocs to be the forerunner of freer, more efficient

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international trade, not of a greater space to make protectionism legal or to

disguise clear market reserves. Argentina prefers to believe in the sincerity

of the purposes stated in the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on

Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and in the principles outlined to launch the

Initiative for the Americas, the same ones that form the basis of the Treaty

of Asuncion, in which MERCOSUR is defined. But my country notes with

justifiable concern the way in which the most powerful economies on our planet

interpret the concept of opening the market, since they promote such opening

only for those sectors in which their countries are competitive or where they

themselves exert influence on international prices.

Part of that conception is to be found in the section on agriculture and

other decisions that have so far stalled the Uruguay Round of GATT. Precisely

in the agricultural sector, the leaders of those economies do not display

excessive courage or desire to put an end to annual subsidies of more than

$300 billion for production and foreign trade, with which they distort

international markets and, besides, contribute to environmental degradation.

Some of their decisions reflect a greater interest in solving minor

difficulties in domestic policy than in avoiding isolationism and trade wars.

Only very rich countries can pursue policies that are so harmful and costly

that they undermine the finances of their urban populations and of course do

considerable harm to the developing countries.

This is also an apt occasion to confirm our great satisfaction at the

political agreements reached by Canada, the United States and Mexico to create

a free-trade zone. We trust that this achievement will be one of the central

modules of the broader zone foreseen when launching the Initiative for the

Americas to make of the hemisphere one great market. While this takes shape,

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we are worried at the many legislative attempts fiat tend to hinder the access

of developing countries to the various international markets.

Argentina has started a process of sustained economic stability based on

a market economy in the framework of a democratic system. This has allowed us

to initiate proceedings for our admission to the Organisation for Economic

Cooperation and Development (OECD), where we hope to take part in the

discussion of global and sectoral economic policies that may contribute to

economic growth.

At this session, the General Assembly will consider the report of the

United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held at Rio de

Janeiro. No previous international event had convened so many Heads of State

or of government. In the framework of the new international situation, it has

been possible for the first time ever to reach basic agreements on questions

that are important for the survival of this planet as we know it.

The progress achieved on the American continent does not preclude the

persistence of some specific problems. At the last two sessions of the United

Nations Commission on Human Rights, Argentina made clear its position

regarding the situation in Cuba. At all times my country has expressed a

desire that Cuba should bring about the necessary reforms to allow its full

integration, both political and economic, into the community of democratic,

pluralistic nations. I repeat that it was expressed as a brotherly wish, not

as interference in the affairs of that country

Argentina strongly condemned the coup d'etat against the President of

Haiti and supported the relevant resolutions adopted by the Organization of

American States (OAS). I myself was part of the delegation that accompanied

the Secretary-General of the OAS to Port-au-Prince. We have kept our

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diplomatic ties with Haiti, have maintained our embassy there and have spared

no effort to support an understanding between the parties to the conflict.

As regards El Salvador, the signing of the peace agreement is a landmark

in the process of peace-making in Central America and we hope that the

understanding reached can be extended to the rest of the region.

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Peru, our sister country on the Pacific, continues to face serious

problems in its development and progress, suffering the effects of drug

trafficking and of bloody nihilistic terrorism. We should, however, note the

advances recently made on that front. We also welcome the process which will,

we hope, lead to a well-balanced and full return of Peru's representative

democracy. We are awaiting with close attention and a willingness to

cooperate the constituent elections of 22 November.

With regard to Chile, we continue to move slowly and inexorably closer to

a final solution to all of the unresolved border problems, along the world's

third longest frontier. Very little still remains to be done before we reach

a full understanding, which is already yielding fruitful results in advance,

with greater and very promising economic cooperation. We are replacing a long

history of discord with a full and fraternal relationship.

I cannot conclude without commenting on the actions of the Rio Group. I

reaffirm my conviction that it has proved to be a highly effective mechanism

for consultations and for reaching political agreements, as was shown in such

situations as the one which earlier this year endangered institutional

stability in Venezuela. The Rio Group has also demonstrated an important

presence and participation in connection with Peru and Haiti. It has provided

an excellent tool for communication, information and consultation with,

inter alia, the European Community, with which, in addition to the enormously

important Santiago Declaration in May of this year, a significant cooperation

agreement was signed.

In 1992 we have been able to confirm that the United Nations, free of the

shackles imposed on it by the cold war, is now fulfilling the essential role

entrusted to it by mankind in 1945. Although the sources of distress still

persist, we can affirm that we are moving towards the consolidation of the

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ruling principles that guide the United Nations, and we reiterate our hopeful

conviction that the closing years of the strife-torn twentieth century will

enable us to strengthen universal respect for the letter and spirit of the

Charter, which will mean the triumph of wisdom, solidarity and justice.