Zambia, 1982

I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your election

to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session

of the General Assembly. I am convinced that with

your vast knowledge and experience in

international relations you will ably steer the

Assembly towards a successful conclusion. I

assure you of my delegation's full co-operation.

I wish on this occasion to commend your

predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq, for having ably

presided over the General Assembly at its

thirty-sixth session. I wish also to commend the

Secretary-General for the impressive manner in

which he has discharged the responsibilities of

his office. We wish him every success.

2. We are meeting once again to continue our

collective efforts to find solutions to world

problems. Since the last regular session, there

is very little that we can point to in the

direction of progress that we have achieved.

Indeed, the year has been one of the most

turbulent in recent times.

3. The international community has witnessed

not only the perpetuation of tensions and

rivalries, which have now become the order of the

day, but has also watched with horror and

apprehension as some of these tensions and

rivalries have flared into open warfare,

resulting in loss of human life and occasioning

untold misery for surviving victims. The

continuing armed conflict between the Islamic

Republic of Iran and Iraq, the conflict in the

South Atlantic, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon

and subsequent massacre of Palestinian civilians

in the Shatila and Sabra refugee camps in Beirut,

the grave situation in southern Africa and the

deterioration in the relations between the

super-Powers, among others, have been of great

concern to the international community.

4. Of equal concern to us in Zambia is the fact

that so many international and regional bodies

whose essential purpose is to find peaceful

solutions to world problems have been deadlocked.

For example, the Organization of African Unity

[OAU] and the countries of the non-aligned

movement have not been able to meet at summit

level this year as scheduled. Furthermore, the

Security Council, an institution which the

Organization established for the purpose of

maintaining international peace and security, has

been reduced to a mere debating forum and its

resolutions are now honoured more in the breach

than in the observance. We are thus drifting into

a situation where the United Nations will no

longer be in a position to protect the weak or

the humble from wanton aggression by the strong

and the bully in our midst.

5. We live under the shadow of a nuclear

holocaust and in an era where conventional

weapons have proliferated 'and have been

perfected. Efforts by the Organization to bring

about general and complete disarmament under

effective international control have so far not

yielded any meaningful results. It is

regret-table that at the second special session

devoted to disarmament the Assembly could not

even adopt a document on a comprehensive

programme• of disarmament. The current

disquieting international situation demands that

we rededicate ourselves to the cause 'of general

and complete disarmament under effective

international control. As recent public

demonstrations supportive of disarmament have

shown, the peoples of the world are growing

restive and impatient at the lack of progress in

the field of disarmament.

6. Allow me now to turn to the problems relating

to the state of affairs in the international

economy. When the developing nations called for

the establishment of a new international economic

order way back in the mid-1970s, their aim was

not to redistribute the existing wealth

throughout the world, thereby scaling down the

level of affluence in the developed communities.

On the contrary, their primary concern was to

create conditions that would allow them to

develop their material and human potential to the

full and consequently eradicate poverty, hunger9

disease and ignorance which are rampant in their

own countries. Accelerated development of the

developing countries poses no threat to the

economies of the developed countries. It can only

lead to the attainment of better conditions of

Jiving for an mankind and an equitable sharing

and utilization of the resources of our one

world. However, our concerted attempts to bring

about a fair and just economic system have

foundered at every turn. Past negotiating

conferences such as the Paris talks, the fourth

and fifth sessions of UNCTAD, the third

conference of UNIDO, the Committee Established

under Resolution 32/l7( on the preparations for

the launching of the global negotiations, and

many others have not yielded tangible results.

Today the international community is in a much

worse condition. than it was a few years ago.

7. The developed countries are experiencing least

growth rates, persistent and rising unemployment

and instability in their currencies. For them the

problem of how to rescue their economies from

further recession and possible collapse. They

have accordingly resorted to protectionism and

restrictions in trade, investments and transfer

of resources, measures which themselves are

exacerbating, the already fragile and declining

economies.

8. The developing countries, on the other hand,

are experiencing decreased export earnings

coupled with increased costs of essential imports

such as food and energy, an escalating external

debt burden and a tight reserve situation. Under

these circumstances they have no aliern2tive but

to reduce their overall economic activities and

as a result per capita gross national product

declines from year to year. The consequence of

that situation in most developing countries,

especially in Africa, has been an increase in the

incidence of absolute poverty.

9. These trends do not augur well for the

economies of either the developed or the

developing countries, especially when they

manifest themselves at such an early stage of the

Third United Nations Development Decade. Here too

we need to review the collective decisions we

took two years ago when we set out the policy

guidelines of International development Strategy

for the Third United Nations Development Decade.

Concerted efforts have to be undertaken to

reverse the present trends. The international

community has already diagnosed the world economy

and ascertained that the remedy lies in

structural adjustments.

10. My delegation is of the view that the

responsibility for promoting development and

meeting the needs of our peoples naturally rests

with national Governments. None the less. the

international community, including the United

Nations system itself, should assist in

mobilizing the resources and expertise necessary

to help those countries in need to resolve their

numerous developmental problems.

11. The current situation is more alarming, not

only because of the magnitude and dimensions of

the economic recession but also because of the

erosion of international co-operation and the

limitations in certain policies which are

instituted to deal with recession. In a world of

rising expectations and increasing communications

between nations and social groups, a lack of

response to the pressing demand for improving the

quality of human life can be a real source of

conflict not only at the national but also at the

international level. In this respect, the level

of voluntary contributions to UNDP, to mention

but one, has experienced a decline. There is real

danger that, if the present trend in voluntary

contributions to the various .United Nations

development-oriented agencies continues, the much

cherished and noble aims and ideals of the United

Nations body in this regard are likely to be

compromised.

12. My delegation firmly believes that

institutional changes and structural reforms in

the world economy which could contribute to

lasting solutions to our current problems can

only result from a global and integrated approach

to these problems. The global negotiations, which

were decided upon by the General Assembly in its

resolution 34/138, offer the best chance to the

international community to achieve the desired

objectives. It is through meaningful

inter-dependence and collective action that

economicprogress will be achieved. We hope that

the global negotiations will be launched in the

not too distant future and that they will result

in concrete measures which all countries will

find It easy to adopt, and thereby bring about

the necessary structural changes leading to the

establishment of a new international economic

order.

13. The international political agenda is made up

of many and complex problems which equally

provoke grave concern and require urgent

solutions. Let me now briefly reiterate Zambia's

position in respect of some of them.

14. We are concerned about the increase in the

great Power rivalries in and around the Indian

Ocean. We want to see the long-delayed Conference

on the Indian Ocean, to be held at Colombo,

convened urgently with a view to adopting

effective measures to fulfil the aims and

objectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean

as a Zone of IS. We support the efforts

by the Organization. including the good offices

of the Secretary-General. to find political

solutions and to obtain the withdrawal of foreign

forces from Afghanistan and Kampuchea.

16. We support the efforts of the Democratic

People's Republic of Korea to bring about the

reunification of Korea and once again call for

the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of

foreign troops from South Korea.

17. We remain steadfast in support of the

independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity

and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus.

We call for meaningful progress in the

intercommunal talks and for an early agreement on

the withdrawal of foreign forces from Cyprus.

18. I wish now to focus particularly on the

questions of southern Africa and the Middle East~

as well as to outline briefly Zambia's perception

of the institution of the United Nations.

19. The situation in southern Africa still looms

over us as one of the major factors contributing

to the deterioration in international relations.

The issues in that perturbed region are well

known. I wish none the less to recount them. They

are, first, the continued illegal occupation of

Namibia by South Africa; secondly, the policies

and practices of apartheid of the South African

regime; and, thirdly, South Africa's military

aggression against and its destabilization of

neighbouring Independent African States.

20. Four years have passed since the Security

Council adopted resolution 435 (1978) on Namibia.

That resolution was welcomed by the international

com-munity as a practical and realistic basis for

the termination by South Africa of its illegal

occupation of Namibians for the Territory's

process to its long-delayed independence. To

date, Namibia remains under illegal South African

occupation as the numerous efforts undertaken to

put resolution 435 (1978) into effect have ~en of

no avail.

21. This session of the General Assembly takes

place against the background of renewed efforts

to break out of the impasse over the

implementation of resolution 435 (1978).

Consultations involving the South West Africa

People's Organization [SWAPO], the front-line

States and Nigeria on the one hand and the

contact group of five Western States and South

Africa on the other have been held in the last

three months here in New York with a view to

resolving outstanding issues pertaining to the

implementation of the United Nations plan for the

independence of Namibia. These consultations

resulted in agreement on virtua1ly all relevant

issues. The one important out-standing issue

concerns the electoral system to be used to elect

a constituent assembly in Namibia. South Africa

has not made its position known on this issue.

22. It is the firm view of my Government that the

momentum which has been generated in regard to

the independence of Namibia should not be lost.

We wish to see the implementation process begin

without further delay. South Africa should not be

given any pretext to frustrate further the

implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We

would, therefore, utter a caution against the

introduction of extraneous issues which would

have the effect of delaying the independence of

Namibia. In this regard, we reject the linkage

that is being insisted upon between Namibia's

independence and the presence of Cuban forces in

Angola. There would be absolutely no

justification for Namibia's independence to be

delayed on account of issues which are clearly

outside the, -letter and spirit of resolution 435

(1978).

23. On the question of apartheid and minority

rule in South Africa, my country has been

unequivocal in condemning that obnoxious system.

We have repeatedly warned South Africa that a

people cannot be suppressed forever. Already, the

struggle by the non-white people of South Africa

has become formidable. The march is on, and no

amount of arms, mass arrests, police brutality or

torture will stop it until the apartheid system

is destroyed and majority rule is established in

that country.

24. It is true that the racist regime has

become more ruthless in suppressing the uprising

by the oppressed majority, but so too has the

people's determination to fight that regime

intensified. The policy of bantustanization and

the concept of divide and rule, whereby the

regime is trying to play the Coloured and Indian

communities against the black people by allowing

the former a few more privileges than their black

colleagues, will deceive no one. They have been

exposed for what they are: desperate manoeuvres

aimed at perpetuating apartheid.

25. The oppressed people of South Africa wish

to see the establishment of a democratic system

of government in their country. That is a quest

for Justice that requires support from the rest

of civilized mankind, including in particular

those countries of the Western world which invest

heavily in South Africa, and which, through those

strong economic links with Pretoria, could bring

maximum pressure to bear on the South African

regime to abolish apartheid and bring about

majority rule.

26. Let those who have interests of any sort

in South Africa not be blinded by the massive

short-term profits that they are reaping under

apartheid. It will be in their long-term interest

to exert effective pressure on South Africa lo

abandon the apartheid system.

27. My Government is also seriously concerned

about South Africa's continued acts of aggression

against front-line and other States in southern

Africa. As the international community is well

aware, South African military forces continue to

this day to occupy part of Angolan territory in

flagrant violation of the sovereignty and

territorial integrity of Angola. In addition,

South Africa persists in carrying out military

incursions and cross-border raids into Angola

under the pretext of hot pursuit against SWAPO

freedom fighters. South Africa is also

persistently engaged in clandestine and open

operations which embrace military aggression and

economic subversion as well as harassment of the

neighbouring independent African States with a

view to destabilizing them.

28. It is in the light of that situation that

I urge those who are allies of the Pretoria

regime not only to point out the folly of its

adventurism, but also to cease giving support to

it. I also urge the Assembly to demand urgently

the complete and unconditional withdrawal of

South Africa's military forces from Angola, and

the cessation of all its acts of aggression

against and destabilization of the front-line

States and other neighbouring States.

29. With regard to the Middle East problem, I

wish to express my Governments indignation at and

condemnation of the unprovoked and premeditated

invasion of Lebanon by Israeli forces and the

cold-blooded massacre of innocent Palestinian

civilians in refugee camps. The loss of civilian

live~ and massive destruction of property caused

by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon are

reminiscent of the holocaust of the Jewish people

themselves in Nazi Germany, and should be

unreservedly condemned by all peace-loving

peoples the world over. It is ironic that a

people which suffered so much under Nazi Germany

tyranny should now have become the

standard-bearer and apparent admirer of Nazi-type

atrocities.

30. I wish to state that the solution of the

problem does not lie in the liquidation of the

Palestinian people or in their expulsion from

Lebanon. It is foolhardy for Israel to believe

that it can put an end to the legitimate and

cherished aspirations of the Palestinian people

through massive use of force of arms.

31. The invasion of Lebanon and the massive

loss of innocent lives in that country have

highlighted the urgent need to find a lasting

solution to the Middle East problem, at the core

of which• lies the question of the inalienable

right of the Palestinian people to

self-determination and to the establishment of an

independent state in Palestine.

32. We call upon those who have the leverage

to exert pressure on Israel to abandon its acts

of aggression against its neighbours and to

recognize the rights of the Palestinian people.

We remain convinced that a just and comprehensive

solution to the problem of the Middle East should

be found within the frame-work of the United

Nations.

33. The report' of the Secretary-General on

the work of the Organization, which is before the

Assembly, is incisive, frank and objective. He

has eloquently expressed the concerns of many

people all over the world who believe in the

United Nations and want the Organization to be

strengthened so that it can meet the cha1lenges

of the present-day world and fulfil its historic

role in the maintenance of international peace

and security.

34. My delegation welcomes the report of the

Secretary-General. The events of this year above

all require that .we take a critical look at the

peace-making and peace-keeping role of the United

Nations, particularly that of the Security

Council, which regrettably seems to have been

reduced to the role of a mere spectator while

some of its permanent members have actively

pursued initiatives of their own outside the

framework of the United Nations.

35. If we truly believe in the institution-the

United Nations-we cannot and should not, as its

Member States, merely give lip service to the

Organization. nor should we seek to find

solutions based on narrow national interests to

important problems of universal interest and

concern outside the United Nations framework.

36. Political will on the part of all Member

States is of the essence if we are to strengthen

the United Nations and revitalize its role in the

maintenance of international peace and security.

We need political will to implement and strictly

adhere to the resolutions and decisions of the

United Nations. We need political will to engage

earnestly in a constructive dialogue to examine

and perfect the mechanisms for promoting the aims

and objectives of the United Nations.

37. Let me say specifically that it remains

the considered view of the Zambian Government

that all Member States should do everything

possible to support the work of. the Special

Committee on the Charter of the United Nations

and on the Strengthening of the Role of the

Organization. No single issue should be

considered sacrosanct. The Special Commit-tee

should have the latitude to consider all issues

relevant to the strengthening of the United

Nations and enhancing its effectiveness in

resolving the problems which trouble

international relations.

38. The United Nations remains the only hope for

mankind in the long search for lasting solutions

to the multifaceted problems confronting our one

world. Let us therefore rededicate ourselves to

the purposes and principles of the United Nations

and do all we can to ensure that the Organization

lives up to the expectations envisaged by the

founding fathers.