Tanzania, 1995

It is a great honour

for me to speak on behalf of my delegation, since my

Foreign Minister is currently campaigning in the

impending presidential and parliamentary elections.

Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election

as President of the historic fiftieth session of the United

Nations General Assembly. You bring to this office a

wealth of experience and rich intellectual and diplomatic

skill which assure us of a fruitful conclusion of the work

before the session. And, above all, my delegation

applauds your sensitivity to development issues.

A well-deserved tribute is also due to your

distinguished predecessor, Mr. Amara Essy, the Foreign

Minister of Côte d’Ivoire, who successfully presided over

the forty-ninth session.

At this juncture, I would like to pay tribute to

Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose

indefatigable efforts in the search for peace and

development are very well appreciated by my

Government and the people of Tanzania. We also salute

the selfless efforts and commitment of the overwhelming

majority of the Secretariat staff in the service of the

international community.

My delegation wishes to reiterate Tanzania’s firm

conviction that the United Nations is all of us - its

Members. It does not exist apart from us, nor should it be

used by one Member or group of Members to the

detriment of the wishes and hopes of the international

community. It can do only what we, its Members, are

prepared to do, acting together.

This is not to say that our Organization is perfect

and sacrosanct, and therefore beyond criticism. On the

contrary, much as we derive satisfaction from the fact that

the United Nations has survived 50 difficult years, there

is plenty of scope to re-examine its role, especially now,

as we are on the threshold of the next millennium.

Work in this direction has already started, and it has

been covered in the comprehensive report of the

Secretary-General on the work of the Organization. The

11

report draws our attention to the work under way and what

needs to be done about problems which threaten

international peace and security. It is up to nation States

which are Members of the United Nations to reflect on, and

assess the role of, the only universal organization at the

disposal of all humankind.

Undoubtedly the United Nations has been doing the

best possible in the pursuit of the lofty ideals of the

Charter — in particular, in regard to maintaining

international peace; economic and social advancement for

all peoples, and enhancing human rights. While loudly

faulted on its peace-keeping role, the silent achievements of

the United Nations agencies, including the United Nations

Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the World Health Organization

(WHO), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and

Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the Food and Agriculture

Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the International

Labour Organization (ILO), the United Nations

Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations

Environment Programme (UNEP), the United Nations

Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the

United Nations Industrial Development Organization

(UNIDO), need not be simply taken for granted.

Even in terms of peace-keeping operations, we only

need to ask why it was possible to succeed in Namibia,

Cambodia, El Salvador, South Africa and Mozambique, and

why prospects are now brightening in Angola, under United

Nations leadership, while we have not quite succeeded in

Somalia, Rwanda or Bosnia and Herzegovina.

As I speak, conflicts are raging unabated in the world,

especially in parts of Africa, the Balkans and the Caucasus.

A lot of work is yet to be done in the area of

peace-keeping. Every effort must be made to enhance the

capacity of the United Nations along the lines described in

the 1992 “An Agenda for Peace” (A/47/277) and its

supplement (A/50/60), issued in January this year.

The real problem with the United Nations rests with

the new post-cold-war era. The promises of peace have

eluded us and as a result we are still “in the woods”

regarding the international community’s ability to manage

non-military transnational issues, including development,

environmental degradation and inequalities within and

between nations.

One point of grave concern to my delegation is that

the new world order — if there is order at all — has tended

to perpetuate the situation in which the wealthy and

powerful nation-States dominate and seek to exert undue

influence on the United Nations. Consequently, United

Nations reform is urgent and imperative. The thrust of

this reform must be to maintain and enhance the

democratic values of the Charter of the United Nations

and translate them into reality throughout the work of the

Organization. We must jealously guard the central role of

the General Assembly, in which all Member States,

regardless of size or wealth, have an equal say. Careful

attention should be given to the functioning of the

Security Council. We must ensure that the Council acts

within and in accordance with the Charter and that its

membership reflects the realities of our times, taking into

account the tremendous expansion from 51 Member

States in 1945 to 185 in 1995.

In welcoming the report of the General Assembly’s

Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable

Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the

Security Council, my delegation restates the need to have

developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America

and the Caribbean represented in the Council, in terms of

both permanent and non-permanent seats. Secondly, not

only is transparency in the functioning of the Council

necessary, but there must also be a regularized system of

reporting to, and consultation with, the General Assembly.

Thirdly, the veto power has outlived its usefulness. It

should be abolished, since it is a negation of democratic

principles to empower any one member, or group of

members, to decide on the vital issues of peace and

security without due regard to the sensitivity and wishes

of the majority.

The reform process under way should focus also on

restoring the Economic and Social Council to its intended

high status as the organ for bringing all international

economic and social affairs under the strategic control of

the United Nations, and here I refer to Article 63 of the

Charter. My delegation believes that the governance of

the Bretton Woods institutions should be democratized,

along with their internal decision-making mechanisms.

Let me conclude the question of reform by quoting

the very apt perception of the South Centre:

“The opposition to a strong and dynamic United

Nations is political and profoundly ideological, and

is largely concentrated in a few States whose

establishments prefer not to strengthen a forum in

which their domestic and global policies can be

challenged or trimmed. But the United Nations

exists for all humankind, not just a handful of

Member States representing a small minority of the

12

world’s population ... . This is not a time for despair

but for determined efforts to rekindle the United

Nations original inspirations and to inject a new sense

of purposeful direction ... to help fulfil the aspirations

of many millions of people throughout the world.”

The financing of the United Nations by Member States

is also badly in need of reform. As we meet here, our

Organization is on the brink of bankruptcy. As of early

August, unpaid assessed contributions stood at $3.9 billion.

My delegation is in agreement with the Secretary-General

when he laments that

“there is no use talking about reshaping the

responsibilities of the United Nations unless the

resources are there to carry out those responsibilities”.

It is urgent that action be taken to make good on late

payments of assessed contributions, for both the regular

budget and peace-keeping operations, without any

preconditions. Having said that, my delegation believes that,

on the one hand, the principle of financing the United

Nations should be on the basis of relative capacity to pay,

and secondly, that other options should be explored that

would lessen overdependence on the policy inclinations of

a few Members.

I should like now to turn to conflicts closest to the

heart of the Government and people of Tanzania: the

situations in neighbouring Rwanda and Burundi. It is

heartening to note that the situation in Rwanda is gradually

returning to normal following the end of genocide and the

fratricidal war of July 1994. Tanzania, in the true spirit of

good-neighbourliness, salutes the new government’s efforts

to consolidate peace, rebuild State institutions and make

national reconciliation a reality on the basis of the Arusha

Peace Agreement.

Tanzania, besides facilitating political mediation for

the two neighbouring countries, has always readily

welcomed Rwandese and Burundi peoples fleeing atrocities

in their homelands. The Government is anxious that the

now more than one million refugees concentrated in the

western part of the country should be assisted to return

home as soon as possible, but it should be sooner rather

than later. It is a huge burden of immense proportions. My

Government is appreciative of the international assistance

that is directed to the refugees and to Tanzania. However,

the ideal solution is to facilitate their speedy return to their

countries of origin so that they may become part of the

reconstruction and reconciliation efforts. To do otherwise is

to postpone the problem and sow the seeds of future

conflicts and mistrust.

Worse still, long-term damage to the environment is

now a reality. Urgent measures are required to prevent the

area of concentration from being stripped bare of trees.

Pressure on the already overstretched infrastructure and

social services remains overwhelming. This humanitarian

catastrophe must not be allowed to go on indefinitely. My

Government believes that the reconstruction efforts being

put in place must have a component for the return of

refugees.

No effort should be spared to help the two

neighbouring countries create an environment conducive

to the return of their peoples. In this connection, we take

note of the Secretary- General’s efforts to convene a

Great Lakes region conference on security, stability and

development, in line with the decisions of the

Organization of African Unity (OAU) and Security

Council. But my Government is of the view that

commensurate efforts should first be made to implement

the Nairobi and Bujumbura declarations on stability and

the situation in the refugee camps. We also urge the

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees and other organizations on the ground to extend

to the region the quick impact programmes that are

currently being undertaken in Mozambique and Somalia.

These programmes are aimed at meeting the reintegration

and rehabilitation needs of returnees on their arrival

home.

Mention should also be made of my Government’s

readiness to cooperate in establishing the seat of the

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda at Arusha in

northern Tanzania. The judges have since been appointed,

and the Registrar of the Tribunal is already in Tanzania

as part of the preparatory team. It is my delegation’s view

that an early start of the Tribunal’s proceedings should go

a long way towards helping the healing process in

Rwanda.

Concerning Burundi, we commend the work of the

peace mission of the Organization of African Unity and

appeal to the leaders of all parties to rise above parochial

interests and work in the larger interest of their country,

Africa and the world.

My delegation is especially encouraged by the

positive developments in Angola, which, as we heard

from its Foreign Minister when he addressed the current

session, is finally headed towards peaceful settlement

13

under the terms of the Lusaka Protocol and the Bicesse

Accords. We are also hopeful that the deployment of the

United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM

III) will be speeded up, to ensure that the peace process

remains on course.

Regarding Liberia, we are encouraged by the recent

developments by which the OAU and the Economic

Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in

particular have secured agreement among faction leaders

aimed at a peaceful resolution of the long-simmering civil

war. The United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia also

deserves our appreciation for its contribution. Consequently,

it is our hope that the positive developments in Liberia will

impact on the restive situation in neighbouring Sierra

Leone.

Regrettably, four years on, the international

community has yet to implement the United Nations peace

plan calling for a referendum in Western Sahara. The

parties concerned, Morocco and the Polisario Front, need to

summon their political will and, without undue

prevarication, cooperate fully with the United Nations in

speeding up the process.

Africa has received with anger reports of recent

mercenary interference in the Comoros. The perpetration of

such a dastardly act must not be countenanced by the

international community, in particular the United Nations.

My delegation supports the OAU call for the speedy and

unconditional restoration of the constitutional order in that

African country and would also wish to recall the General

Assembly’s resolution on the sovereignty of the Islamic

Federal Republic of the Comoros over the island of

Mayotte.

We welcome progress in the Middle East situation.

The signing in Washington of the latest agreement between

the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation

Organization represents an important step towards the

implementation of the Declaration of Principles. We hope

progress will also be made on the other fronts in

accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967)

and 338 (1973).

As for the Balkans, my delegation supports United

Nations peace-keeping and other international efforts aimed

at finding a lasting solution to the conflict in the former

Yugoslavia. We urge all parties to the conflict to invest in

a political settlement and to resist the temptation of a

military solution.

The continuing threat of hunger and poverty to

world peace and security cannot be overemphasized.

Their impact on the developing countries is made clear by

the stagnant or negative rates of economic growth and

declining real per capita incomes in most of the South,

especially in the least developed countries, including

Tanzania. As the Administrator of the United Nations

Development Programme said recently:

“Poverty is growing faster than population.

There are scores of countries where progress is

going backwards rather than forwards. Rich

countries are not going to be able to build a wall

around themselves and shut themselves off. These

problems don’t need passports.”

Internal and external factors alike have contributed

to the underdevelopment of the largest segment of the

world. The debt crisis, depressed prices of primary

commodities, protectionist measures, the inadequate flow

of direct foreign investment and financial and technical

assistance, and deteriorating terms of trade are but a few

of the factors adversely affecting socio-economic

performance in most of these countries.

It is with this frustrating situation in mind that we

intend to continue participating in the work of the Ad

Hoc Open-ended Working Group of this Assembly on An

Agenda for Development. It must become a true vehicle

for ending poverty the world over. Other supportive

United Nations agencies, especially UNCTAD, which will

be holding its ninth conference in South Africa next year,

and UNIDO should be accorded their due importance by

the international community as true instruments of

development.

During the High-level Intergovernmental Meeting on

the Mid-term Global Review of the Implementation of the

Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries

for the 1990s, there was some North-South meeting of

minds on what Governments ought to do individually and

together to reverse the trend of underdevelopment. My

Government reaffirmed its commitment to continue

implementing socio-economic reforms considered

beneficial to our people. Inevitable difficulties aside, the

focus is on sectors concerned with agriculture, industry,

finance, civil service, trade and privatization.

At the same time, we are undertaking political

reforms which are essential not only for good governance,

but also for the creation of the necessary environment for

economic management and sustainable growth. This

14

exercise culminates in the multi-party national elections that

will take place towards the end of this month. The

understanding and cooperation of our traditional donor

countries have been instrumental in supplementing our own

efforts. We also count on the international community’s

commitment to implement fully existing programmes such

as the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of

Africa in the 1990s and the conclusions of a series of

United Nations world conferences, including the Fourth

World Conference on Women, successfully concluded in

Beijing, China, last month.

In conclusion, let me refer to two other important

developments since the forty-ninth session. First, regarding

disarmament, we hope that the controversial indefinite

extension last May of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation

of Nuclear Weapons will lead to total nuclear disarmament

and the immediate cessation and complete elimination of

nuclear testing. Secondly, we urge the international

community to iron out differences over how to constitute

the membership of the International Seabed Authority

Council, in order to formalize the work of this important

instrument, the United Nations Convention on the Law of

the Sea.

Finally, my delegation is privileged to be a part of this

historic fiftieth session of the General Assembly, whose

work should further reaffirm our commitment to

multilateralism. We look forward to celebrating the fiftieth

anniversary of the United Nations later this month, when

we will be called upon to reflect together on how best to

equip our Organization on the eve of the twenty-first

century. Nevertheless, it is important to bear constantly in

mind the fact that, for developing countries and especially

the least developed among them, it is not a time of

rejoicing. I can do no better than to quote the address of

my President, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, to the General Assembly

at its forty-ninth session, in which he said:

“A supportive international environment is crucial

if we are to attain sustained economic growth in

developing countries, especially in the least developed

ones. The United Nations must be able to play a much

greater role in this matter because, unlike the Bretton

Woods institutions, the United Nations is universal; its

programmes operate everywhere; and it does not

ignore countries.” (Official Records of the General

Assembly, Forty-ninth session, Plenary Meetings,

16th meeting, p. 5)