Suriname, 1982

It gives me great pleasure to add the voice of the delegation of

Suriname to the voices of many others that have congratulated Mr.

Hollai on his unanimous election to preside over our deliberations at

the thirty seventh session of the General Assembly. His knowledge and

experience will surely prove to be important assets for the success

of this session, especially at a time when international institutions

like the United Nations face a serious crisis. May I also take this

opportunity to express the gratitude of my delegation to his

predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the skilled leadership with which he

guided the proceedings of the Assembly at the sessions held during

his tenure of office. I should also like to pay a tribute to the

Secretary General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, a great son of the

courageous Peruvian people, on his election to that high post. My

country sees in him a true representative and protagonist of Latin

American and Caribbean unity. In view of the fact that Latin America

and the Caribbean region have developed a tradition of peace for more

than a hundred years, we trust that his election at this difficult

juncture in history will contribute towards international peace and

progress. We agree that, as has been eloquently stated by a great

number of speakers who have preceded me in the general debate, the

Organization is going through a serious credibility crisis. At the

same time, we note with satisfaction that this session is enjoying

the maximum attendance of the family of States Members of the

Organization. We have to face facts. The Secretary General has been

very frank in describing the present international crisis,

politically, economically and institutionally. We join the Secretary

General in calling upon all Member States to use all possible

inventiveness and creativity to equip the United Nations

institutionally in order to enhance its capacity to cope with the

present international crisis. That appeal applies in particular to

the members of the Security Council which bear a special

responsibility to ensure the urgent restoration of peace in various

regions of the world. The cause of predictability of conduct of

nations, as well as adherence to principles and rules of

international law, must guide us in our effort to prevent the

international community from slipping into a state characterized by

the primitive use of force and coercive influence. My Government

holds the view that the existing inequalities in the distribution of

economic and political advantages are at the core of the problems we

are faced with on a national and international scale. More

specifically, the present international division of labour and the

adoption of political systems conceived and propagated by States that

continue to hold power over ether States have created a situation

where the basic needs and justified interests and aspirations of the

masses are subordinated to the interests of traditionalist and

elitist Powers. Suriname has committed itself to contribute within

the limits of its capacity towards ending flagrant inequalities

existing on the national and the international levels. On the

national level, Suriname has made substantial progress in conceiving

and implementing an economic and political system based on the

interests and participation of the majority of its people. In doing

so Suriname adheres to the genuine principles of democracy. We

believe that consultation, participation and control by broad

sections of our people offer the best guarantees to achieve the goal

of nation building in a country where at least six ethnic groups from

all parts of the world were brought together during the colonial era.

Moreover, we are exerting serious efforts to make this unity an

effective instrument for the proper and effective implementation of

developmental programmes. In our international policy we have

developed a strategy geared towards maximum diversification of

development cooperation and solidarity in the struggle for the just

causes of developing countries. In doing so we adhere to the

principles of non alignment. In this respect, we reiterate our full

commitment to the basic principles of this movement, such as national

sovereignty, self determination, non interference, non intervention,

the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and the acceptance of

ideological pluralism in international affairs. Moreover, my

Government holds the view that we should continue to intensify

financial, technological and marketing relations with other

developing countries and join in the efforts of the developing world

in restructuring the North South relationship in order to create the

kind of international balance that can advance the cause of peace and

development. Taking into consideration the fact that the ongoing

decolonization of Suriname is closely linked to a clear understanding

that it must share the fate of the Latin American and Caribbean

States, Suriname will continue to participate in all endeavours to

strengthen political and economic ties with the countries of its

region. In regard to the implications of Argentina's actions to

recover its sovereignty over the Malvinas, we understand the position

of some sister Caribbean States, but those actions constitute only a

part of the Malvinas experience. The Malvinas issue made it very

clear to us that the Western States, in spite of existing treaties,

took a collective stand against 3 sister State in Latin America. That

collective action was not limited to economic measures of a coercive

nature, but extended to military, political and diplomatic support.

My Government feels that an important lesson must be drawn from this

experience. The facts have proved that it is of vital importance for

Latin America and the Caribbean States to bury their differences and

to join hands in defining and implementing clear cut programmes

geared towards economic and political cooperation. My Government

welcomes the inclusion of this question in the agenda of this session

of the General Assembly. It is our hope that a more constructive and

compromise oriented attitude will be displayed in the deliberations

to end the colonial occupation of the Malvinas, thus correcting the

injustice done to the Argentine people over many years. The Caribbean

Basin is an area of special concern; indeed, it has become explosive

in nature. We cannot but return to the historical causes of this

situation, to identify a general state of utter poverty amongst the

majority of the people, in flagrant contradistinction to the wealth

of a minority. We find in that a situation which is in itself

conducive to violence and civil war. In that regard, the introduction

of East West rivalry in the region, falsely identified as the main

source of conflict, has eclipsed the real causes of the problem. The

present situation in El Salvador, placed in the context of the

Caribbean Basin, is illustrative of this growing tension and

constitutes a danger leading to the loss of human lives and a

stagnation in development. My Government therefore favors all peace

proposals derived from a fundamental analysis of this problem. That

implies that Suriname condemns all outside interference of whatever

nature into the internal affairs of El Salvador. We call upon the

rival parties in this domestic struggle to take the road of effective

dialogue to stop the ongoing violence. The people of El Salvador are

those most capable of forging a fundamental solution to their

economic and political problems. A11 outside interference, whether

bona fide or mala fide, can lead only to further complications in the

present situation and will ultimately serve the interests of foreign

Powers, to the detriment of the interests of the majority of the

Salvadorian people. My Government pledges support to all regional

efforts to bring about an atmosphere in which such a dialogue can

take place. The principle of peaceful dialogue does not apply only to

the domestic situation of the individual States, but should be

applied also to solve the problems that have arisen between sister

States in Latin America. My Government calls upon all members of the

Latin American and Caribbean community to refrain from the use or

threat of use of force or economic measures of a coercive nature in

the pursuit of solutions to problems that are not inherent in the

actual relationship between our respective peoples but find their

cause in the colonialist and imperialist history of our continent.

The Latin American and Caribbean States should, in our opinion,

follow the wise course of seeking a peaceful settlement of disputes

so as to protect and preserve our excellent record as a region of

peace. We must face the fact that global developments present a

gloomy picture. The ongoing economic crises, combined with the arms

race, resulted in grave and explosive situations in various regions.

The tragedy that we have witnessed over a quarter of a century in the

Middle East has recently evolved into a sequence of events which have

horrified the human conscience. Even when guided by the utmost

prudence in approaching this complex problem one cannot but lay the

blame for this disturbing state of affairs on the State of Israel.

While Israel occasionally professes the wish to live in peace with

its neighbours, it has over the months systematically applied an

aggressive policy and has acted against vested principles and rules

of international law and, more specifically, against the territorial

integrity of its neighbours. In this connection I wish to recall the

annexation of the Syrian territory of the Golan Heights, the

provocative and oppressive acts of the Israeli army against

Palestinian civilians living in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip

and, lately, the transgression of Lebanese borders, leading to the

massacre of thousands of defenceless Palestinian men, women and

children. That crime against humanity has deservedly received

universal condemnation, not only of those who committed that savage

act but equally of those who facilitated that repulsive crime.

Reaching the goal of durable peace in the Middle East will obviously

require more than the adoption of resolutions by the Assembly and

other international forums. The fate of the numerous resolutions

adopted by the United Nations pertinent to this question is proof

that this approach is insufficient. It will require maximum efforts

by the world community in general to bring an end to the continuing

tragic events. Those members of the international community that are

in a position to bring pressure to bear on the parties to the

conflict have a special responsibility in this respect. My Government

notes with satisfaction that there is an emerging consensus. Any

solution of the Middle East conflict proposed will be futile if it

ignores the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to self

determination and to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian

State. It is with pleasure that I note the growing numbers of

countries adhering to this basic principle for solving the Middle

East problem. Furthermore, my delegation expresses its satisfaction

with the consensus reached during the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference

on the proposed peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. Most

of the preceding speakers have forthrightly rejected and condemned

South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its aggression

towards neighbouring States. We cannot but agree with that position.

In our view, the application of racist policies by South Africa is

not just a case of violence by a minority against the majority, but

amounts to a qualitative contempt for and lack of respect for the

people living under that system, and a clear expression of the

economic exploitation of the racial majority in that country. My

delegation therefore holds the position that South Africa's domestic

policies and its stand towards neighbouring States can be dealt with

effectively by the world community, in general, and by the developed

countries, in particular, only by applying international measures

designed to bring about a fundamental restructuring within the South

African social and economic system. With regard to the presence of

foreign troops in Afghanistan, my delegation reiterates its support

for the resolutions of the Assembly calling for their withdrawal. Our

support for a political settlement of this issue on the basis of

General Assembly resolution 36/34 remains unchanged. Concerning the

situation in the Korean peninsula, my delegation again calls upon

both parties to make all possible efforts to promote reconciliation

between the North and the South through dialogue in order to achieve

the peaceful unification of their divided homeland. it is a matter of

serious concern to our Government that very little progress has been

made in solving the problem of Kampuchea. It is our hope that the

opposing parties will approach this problem along the lines of the

basic principles laid down in the Charter of the United Nations.

Moreover, we express the sincere wish that the countries members of

the Association of South East Asian Nations together with the Indo

Chinese countries involved, can cooperate to find an acceptable

solution to the problem in order to make South East Asia a region of

peace, stability and cooperation. Within the chain of events that

have cast a shadow on the life and standing of the United Nations

during the past year, the failure of the second special session of

the General Assembly on disarmament stands out, and has given rise to

serious concern for the Attire of world peace and stability. The arms

race continues at an unprecedented pace. It is the opinion of my

delegation that the lack of tangible progress in our attempts to halt

this costly and dangerous activity will have increasingly adverse

effects on the inclination of States to settle their disputes through

peaceful means, thus making peacekeeping ever more difficult for the

United Nations. It is our belief that the availability of vast

quantities of arms is responsible for the frequent use or threat of

use of force in international relations. It is unfortunate that many

States are still inclined to believe that they can better secure what

they perceive to be their interests through military strength rather

than by relying on peaceful means. Notwithstanding the right of

individual States to take the necessary measures to defend their

territorial integrity, we cannot but condemn the acceleration of the

arms race which represents a vicious circle. Under the pretext of

protecting alleged domestic interests, States devote to it the very

resources that are needed to create the conditions for domestic and

international peace and progress, drawing upon financial, natural and

human resources that are so direly needed for development. Recent

history has proved that the use of violence between developing

countries has been detrimental to the countries involved and has

seriously weakened their capacity for independent development. We

therefore hold the view that developing countries should refrain from

any participation in the arms race, and should collectively exert

pressure on the super Powers and other powerful nations to

discontinue the absurdity of creating tension in order falsely to

justify their continuation of the arms race. We reiterate Suriname's

commitment to all regional and global disarmament endeavours. Not

since the great economic depression has the world economy experienced

such great instability and such severe disruption of sustained

growth. Independent of the levels of development or the economic

structures of various States, economic expansion has decelerated

markedly on a global scale. The situation confronting the developing

countries is manifested in increased unemployment, high rates of

inflation, serious deterioration in terms of trade and increasing

current account deficits and debt service payments. The declining

prices of primary commodities compared to the rising costs of

manufactured imports have not only seriously affected the

developmental process in many developing countries but, also as a

result, substantially affected the basic needs of their peoples.

Within the context of the present international economic situation we

believe that it is of urgent and crucial importance to launch the

round of global negotiations in the field of raw materials, energy,

trade and finance. Suriname maintains the view that resolution

34/138, by which the General Assembly decided to launch global

negotiations, incorporates the appropriate set of elements needed to

tackle the present international economic structure and achieve a

steady, equal and just economic order. It is clear that science and

technology are major instruments in the developmental process. It is

therefore regrettable that in the world of today the developing

countries are still confronted with the monopolization of scientific

and technological achievements. A few States and transnational

corporations still control the available scientific and technological

know how. In this respect my delegation considers it imperative that

any bilateral or multilateral arrangement in the field of finance and

investment, whether private or public, include clauses dealing with

the transfer of science and technology suitable to the level of

development of developing countries. On the other hand, third world

countries must continue to devise and implement programmes which may

facilitate the transfer of technology among themselves. The

international problems related to the financial crisis of the world

require close evaluation and concerted effort in order to create the

effects that are so urgently needed. We note that there are two

important tendencies in the field of investment for development. In

the first place we had a tendency to move away from multilateral aid

to bilateral aid. Secondly, we had that within bilateral treaties the

Government to Government approach is being gradually replaced by

investments through private financing institutions. Suriname is of

the opinion that these trends are detrimental to the development of

the recipient States, for the following reasons. First, they weaken

the regional integration that is vital to their international

bargaining power vis a vis the industrialized States. Secondly, they

create an atmosphere favouring measures of a coercive nature, which

seriously affects a country's capacity for its own development either

politically or economically. Thirdly, with respect to the emphasis on

private investments, in the experience of the developing countries it

is becoming virtually impossible to attract foreign investors in the

field of infrastructural and social programmes essential for

sustained and steady economic growth. As a result, investments for

industrial or commercial development are not in accord with

comprehensive planning for development. We are in favour of a blend

of bilateral and multilateral aid, within which emphasis must be

placed on multilateral aid. However, we cannot but insist that for

multilateral aid to be effective substantial changes in the rules and

procedures guiding these multilateral institutions are necessary. A

major step forward in this regard would be a fundamental change in

the existing voting structure in order to allow developing countries

greater participation in the decision making process of these

international institutions. A majority of developing countries are

faced with the problem of immense foreign debts. In this respect we

underline the need to implement part B of resolution 165 adopted by

the Trade and Development Board on 11 March 1978, at its ninth

special session, and which deals with the renegotiation of the debts

of developing countries. As a small developing and trading nation,

Suriname is sensitive to fluctuations in trade with our major trading

partners. Our prosperity, like that of many other developing

countries, depends greatly on the export of relatively few primary

products. The quantitative and qualitative improvement of our exports

is the target of ambitious industrialization programmes, which absorb

large amounts of capital. Whether we consider our present trade

position or the intended improvement, the developing countries are

faced with a growing crisis in the world market. This crisis is

mainly characterized by increasing protectionist measures by the

industrialized States. To eliminate these tradebarriers the role of

GATT must be directed towards new normative tasks, such as the

establishment of rules which do not hamper access by the developing

countries to international markets and which do not hinder their

capacity to regulate their own internal markets. Hence, my delegation

strongly appeals for a review of the international economic

institutions. Without relaxing our efforts to work for more just and

equitable terms of trade in the North South relationship, it is

important to consider the intensification of trade among developing

countries as an integral part of collective action for the

establishment of a new international economic order. My Government

holds the view that in regional, sub regional and bilateral relations

efforts should be made to concentrate on exploring and exploiting

trade possibilities between developing countries. In this respect it

is of vital importance that we take a pragmatic approach and try to

end specific areas of trade. My Government is of the opinion that the

private sector in developing countries may provide an excellent start

for broadening and deepening trade relations. The negotiations with

regard to the law of the sea, which lasted almost 10 years, ended on

30 April of this year with the adoption of the most ambitious

Convention in history, the United Nations Convention on the Law of

the Sea. This Convention, which seeks to regulate almost every aspect

of human activity in the oceans and tries to uphold the United

Nations resolution calling for the deep sea bed to be regarded as the

common heritage of mankind, is now ready to be signed officially.

From the Convention we may expect legal security, confidence and

reliability, which preclude anarchy in the area of the international

sea bed. It is regrettable that the Third United Nations Conference

on the Law of the Sea failed to meet its goal of unanimous adoption

of the Convention. In this situation, with a good many of the

industrialized States failing to support the Convention, its

viability and consequently its standing in international law are

being undermined. We reject any separate arrangement in which the

major industrialized States would simply proceed to share the sea bed

amongst themselves. We therefore fully support the statement made by

the President of the Conference on the Law of the Sea to the press on

3 May of this year, indicating that the General Assembly should be

requested to seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of

Justice on the legality of mining outside the Convention if the

mining companies proceeded to mine under unilateral legislation or a

limited multilateral agreement. We welcome the recent statement made

by the Soviet Union that it will sign the Convention, and we urgently

appeal to the States that have rejected or failed to commit

themselves to the Convention on account of rigid ideological

considerations based on a free market philosophy, or for other

reasons, to be more pragmatic and become signatories when the

Convention is presented to government representatives in Jamaica in

early December of this year. Despite all the problems involved, the

Convention can be considered as the greatest step in international

relations since the founding of the United Nations. We,

representatives of the developing countries, had hoped that the

Convention would be a major step forward towards the new

international economic order which we have so long been demanding. We

therefore call for the good will and cooperation of the

industrialized States, without which the effort to establish a regime

for, among other things, the common heritage of mankind will have

been largely wasted. Failure of the major industrialized countries to

cooperate will only justify the conclusion that the political will to

shape economic developments along equitable lines in the context of

the North South dialogue is still a long way off. I shall now turn to

a number of humanitarian and social issues. In our view, at this

session the General Assembly will need to pay more attention to the

plight of people who are forced to flee their homelands. The effects

of the 1982 war in Lebanon on the civil population will undoubtedly

add to the major concentrations of refugees and displaced persons

caused by regional conflicts during the last few years. Major refugee

concentrations in Somalia, the Sudan, Pakistan and South East Asia

continue to cause concern, because in most cases little progress has

been made in arranging for the refugees to return to their homelands.

It is our expectation that discussions at this thirty seventh session

on the status of women will focus on the World Conference to Review

and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women,

to be held in 1985. We cannot but praise the good work done among the

rural and the poor women by the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations

Decade for Women. It is a well known fact that an overwhelming

majority of the disabled population of the world live in developing

countries, where the problems of resources and the lack of adequate,

trained personnel are considered to be the great obstacles to

progress. The delegation of Suriname hopes, therefore, that

international programmes established to assist the disabled will

result in an adequate transfer of technology and resources to

developing countries.

My delegation is anxiously looking forward to a progress report on

the implementation of the Specific Programme of Measures and

Activities'" prepared by the Secretary General in consultation with

Member States, specialized agencies and international youth

organizations, especially in view of International Youth Year, which

is scheduled for 1985. The increasing unemployment among the young

members of our society is causing us great concern. My Government is

trying to give high priority to resolving the problems of the young.

While we speak of the young, we should not neglect the elderly.

Although Suriname has not escaped the adverse effects of a worldwide

economic recession, the Suriname Government is taking progressive

measures to improve the situation of the aging in the fields of

health, housing and social welfare. Much has been done to provide

geriatric and other training, with the assistance of international

organizations.

We are pleased at the adoption of the International Plan of Action on

Aging at the World Assembly on Aging held in Vienna and express the

hope that this Plan will be guide for Member States in dealing with

problems brought about by the rapidly increasing numbers of elderly

persons all over the world. May I affirm ay Government's commitment

to the cause of the aged and state that a society cannot call itself

advanced or progressive if it does not respect, protect, help and

honour the elderly and the aged.

The international system has entered a new phase. The intensification

of international relations is unparalleled in history. At the same

time we find that the political, economic and institutional crisis

which we are faced with tends to discourage us in our quest for the

creation of a world in which interdependence and a more collective

approach to matters of common interest are globally accepted. My

Government is of the opinion that defeatism could be replaced by

optimism if we return to the basic principles and motives that led to

the establishment of the United Nations in 1945.

The goals of peace and development are still high on the banner of

the Organization. We call upon all Member States to support the

Secretary General in his efforts to adapt and equip the United

Nations in order to enable the Organization to cope with the present

crises. As we did in 1975, my Government renews its pledge to uphold

the principles and objectives of the United Nations.