General Debate, session 51

Senegal, 1996

Speaker
Moustapha Niasse 2 statements
Post
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Session
51th, 1996
Member state
Senegal
Length
3,025 words

Statement as recorded

Your noteworthy election, Sir, to the presidency of the

General Assembly at its fifty-first session is an eloquent

and solemn tribute from the Members of our Organization

to your great country, Malaysia. Your intellectual and moral

qualities, your faith in the United Nations and your vast

experience in international relations guarantee, in our view,

success in the work of this session. For all these reasons,

Senegal, which enjoys a strong relationship of friendship

and cooperation with your country, is happy to convey to

you, through me, warm congratulations. We assure you of

our full support in the achievement of the lofty mission

entrusted to you.

To your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Diogo

Freitas do Amaral, I wish to express our profound gratitude

for the effectiveness, competence and the commitment with

which he discharged his mandate during a historic and

particularly productive session.

I would also like to pay tribute to the Secretary-

General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, at this

fifty-first session of the General Assembly. Mr. Boutros

Boutros-Ghali is an ardent champion of peace and

cooperation among peoples, and his commendable work for

the United Nations should be emphasized today, to

encourage perseverance along this path. Moreover, the

African Heads of State recently adopted at Yaoundé a

statement recommending his re-election to a second term of

office as United Nations Secretary-General.

The international climate today strikes us as one of

those special situations that should awaken our

consciences, inviting us to enhance our efforts and clarity

of vision to ensure humanity a future of peace, solidarity

and cooperation.

Indeed, we are meeting at a time conducive to major

changes in the life of our Organization. The most striking

illustration of our common desire for reform was

expressed here last year, during the solemn

commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United

Nations. It was in that spirit that during the

commemorative meeting of the General Assembly some

of the most authoritative voices in the world — those of

128 Heads of State and Government — forcefully

reaffirmed their profound faith in the United Nations, its

principles and objectives.

Furthermore, these leaders unanimously called for

in-depth reflection so that we might enter the twenty-first

century with a restructured, reinvigorated Organization,

equipped with the necessary human, material and financial

resources to more effectively accomplish the lofty mission

of an Organization that harmonizes the complementary

efforts of Member States in order to achieve new goals in

a context of freedom and active solidarity.

Guaranteeing peace and collective security;

developing friendly relations among nations based on

shared values; promoting respect for human rights and

fundamental freedoms; and developing varied forms of

cooperation in the economic, social, cultural and

humanitarian fields — these were the dreams of those

who, 50 years ago, created the United Nations. They are

still today the foundation, the moral basis and the

justification for the objectives we must continue to pursue

in these final years of the twentieth century, a century

that, despite two world wars, was one of prodigious

discoveries — a century that saw man walk on the moon,

explore the environs of Mars and make significant

progress in combating disease.

However, we must agree that today’s world is not

the world of 50 years ago. This one presents new and

widespread dangers but also offers different possibilities.

We must therefore close ranks, minimize our differences

and combine our efforts, as peoples, nations, States and

communities.

Today, all nations face an enormous paradox: on the

one hand, countries have never been closer to one another

due to the increasing globalization of technology; on the

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other hand, the fragmentation of nationalities has triggered

the resurgence of new forms of confrontation and conflict,

as well as misunderstandings and serious delays in the

evolution of continents.

During the cold-war period, it was generally

considered that the main threats to peace would come from

wars between States, and the greatest fear was that a

nuclear conflict would break out and devastate the planet.

The end of the cold war gave rise to a sense of trust

in the advent of a world free from the spectre of a nuclear

cataclysm, which we welcomed with optimism. We shared

the belief that the many regional conflicts could be resolved

quickly once they were no longer fuelled by unbridled

military assistance and by positions of continual escalation

in both hemispheres.

Today, unfortunately, we are forced to recognize that

the state of the world for the most part belies these

optimistic visions; many old conflicts continue to resist the

international community’s attempts to settle them.

Pernicious and persistent intra-State conflicts have broken

out. The conflicts in Africa and in the former Yugoslavia

illustrate this situation.

Indeed, from Angola to Somalia, from Burundi and

Rwanda to Liberia, Africa is beset by conflicts whose

nature, as we are forced to recognize, prevents the proper

and effective implementation of the solutions proposed.

It is true that significant progress has been made in

some of these conflicts, particularly in Angola and to a

lesser extent in Rwanda. We need to continue our efforts in

this direction.

In other conflicts, the road to peace remains uncertain.

In Liberia, the situation is extremely murky due to the

difficulty of managing conflicts between rival factions,

despite the initiatives of the United Nations, the

Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the African

countries in the area.

However, we must not become discouraged. At the

recent Ministerial meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, the member

countries of the Economic Community of West African

States (ECOWAS) took some courageous decisions. These,

we hope, will create new conditions conducive to the

normalization of the situation in that country through the

organization of free and democratic elections, with the full

support of the entire international community.

Turning to Burundi, it is clear that the measures

prescribed by the United Nations and by the OAU have

not managed to end the bloodshed, nor did they prevent

the military coup de force of 25 July last. This is

regrettable and we must take action.

However, we must not lose faith. Given this new

situation, Senegal, like the African countries of the Great

Lakes region, calls for the restoration of constitutional

order and reaffirms its conviction that any solution to the

crisis in Burundi requires the initiation — despite any

feelings of resentment — of a free and transparent

dialogue in good faith between the various parties to the

conflict.

In Europe, the former Socialist Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia represented, before it was torn apart, a

successful example of a pluralistic and harmonious ethnic

and religious coexistence, which was the pride of the

world. It was in the name of these values that, from the

beginning of the conflict, Senegal rejected any notion of

partitioning Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that is why it

welcomed with great hope the signing of the Dayton

Agreement. It is in this spirit that the momentum for

peace of this Agreement must be consolidated.

In this regard, the smooth conduct of the elections of

14 September was an important step. The prosecution,

arrest and sentencing of war criminals by the international

criminal Tribunal remains a major test for the

international community. More than that, is it a matter of

proving that our community is able to implement Security

Council decisions.

Against this background, Senegal, my country, will

continue, as it has in the past, to do what it can within the

framework of the Contact Group of the Organization of

the Islamic Conference (OIC) to bring about the advent of

a Bosnia and Herzegovina at peace with itself, so that the

seeds of peace and stability can finally bear fruit in this

war-torn land and throughout the rest of the former

Yugoslavia.

Exactly one year ago we welcomed with relief the

signing of the Washington and Taba agreements —

important milestones for the establishment of peace and

reconciliation between the peoples of the Middle East.

The door thus opened must never close again. Today,

regrettably, doubts and the fear of returning to a past

marked by war and hatred are beginning to resurface. Let

us put an end to these threats while there is still time.

9

While my country has always believed, and continues

to believe, that some realities are inescapable — the

existence of Israel is one of them — it is also of the

opinion that the security of that State can, in the long term,

be assured only in the framework of respect for, and

implementation of, the current peace process, which should

lead to the definitive creation of a sovereign and

independent Palestinian state, a fully-fledged member of the

international community.

It is therefore up to the new Israeli Government,

elected in May 1996, to make decisive efforts so that the

flame of peace, ignited just recently with such courage and

clear-sightedness, continues to inspire the leaders and

peoples of Israel and Palestine towards a Middle East that

builds its future on a spirit of solidarity, cooperation and

friendship.

Given the changes in the world since the fall of the

Berlin Wall and given the new types of conflicts, which

require a new approach to the management of our collective

security system, our Organization, the United Nations, must

be understood, supported and strengthened.

Increasingly, the United Nations has been called on to

create a new generation of peacekeeping operations. The

Blue Helmets have been joined by civil experts who

provide political, economic, social and humanitarian

assistance, thus contributing to the stabilization of situations

and conflicts as well as to the search for a political

settlement to conflicts through national reconciliation

whenever necessary.

Accordingly, my country, Senegal, will continue to

take part with resolve in this noble mission in the service

of peace, with the conviction that has always inspired our

international policy. This same desire prompted its

participation, with 36 other countries, in the standby forces

system initiated recently by the Secretary-General, as well

as its commitment to the establishment of an early warning

and rapid reaction system.

Guided by these same principles, Senegal continues to

make a modest contribution to the attainment of the goal of

comprehensive and effective disarmament. Senegal’s recent

admission to the Conference on Disarmament, when that

body was expanded, attests to its will to work together with

all peace-loving nations to build a better future in a world

free from weapons of mass destruction.

In this respect, I wish to welcome warmly the

agreement concluded here on the indefinite extension of the

Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,

particularly since it meets the concerns of all Member

States of our Organization, specifically the African States.

In a spirit of remarkable unanimity, African States signed

in Cairo last March the Pelindaba agreement on the

denuclearization of the continent.

In the same spirit, the international community

recently took an important step to halt the nuclear arms

race with the adoption by the General Assembly on 10

September 1996 of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban

Treaty, which my country has just signed on 26

September 1996, here in New York.

However, it is a fact that at a time when the

international community faces new challenges stemming

from the end of the cold war, our Organization will

increasingly be asked to play a more central role in world

affairs. Naturally this means that meaningful

improvements must be made in the work of the

Organization; most importantly, the principle of

universality should be implemented methodically and

effectively. Accordingly, the restructuring and

democratization of the Security Council must remain a

priority goal. This central body of the United Nations

must reflect in its decision-making process the concerns

of the entire membership of our Organization. Its reform

must lead to increased transparency and a better

representation by all regions of the world.

Guided by the ideal of the universality of the United

Nations, Senegal supports the request of the Republic of

China to be admitted to membership in our Organization,

and, generally speaking, to membership in the specialized

agencies of the United Nations system. It is inarguable, in

our opinion, that that State, in view of its socio-economic

performance, its development level, its commitment to

democratic values and its behaviour in international

affairs meets all the criteria and conditions set forth by

the Charter of the United Nations for admission to

membership. This admission to membership, should it

occur, would make an important contribution to

stabilizing international relations in that part of Asia and

would allow for an unprecedented economic, technical

and cultural cooperation among the countries of South-

East Asia and Africa. Its admission would in no way

jeopardize the efforts made by the international

community for peace and development in the world.

The values of peace, freedom and economic and

social justice, which 50 years ago inspired the creation of

our Organization, must now more than ever remain the

10

basis of our common action towards a life of dignity for all.

The post-cold-war experience has taught us once again that

the many facets of underdevelopment remain a serious

threat to international peace and security.

Now that globalization and interdependence are

phenomena recognized by all, we must understand that the

destiny of humankind is one and indivisible. This obvious

truth must persuade us to seek, in a spirit of solidarity, joint

solutions to the persistent problems of underdevelopment.

The series of major world conferences set to conclude next

November with the World Food Summit — a positive

initiative welcomed by my country — is an encouraging

sign of the international community’s resolve to meet these

challenges in the best interests of the peoples of the world,

on the basis of a comprehensive, integrated approach to

human development.

We need now to maintain and strengthen that spirit by

mobilizing additional financial resources, without which the

commitments undertaken will remain a dead letter, which

would betray the legitimate hopes to which they gave rise.

We must find an early and comprehensive solution to the

severe debt crisis. The components of the problem are fairly

clear today. The sustained structural-adjustment efforts

made by our country will remain futile and ineffective if

external factors such as the debt burden and the

deterioration of the terms of trade continue seriously to

hinder our development prospects.

The Agenda for Development gives us a new

opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to world peace and

stability by defining a comprehensive framework for action

based on economic justice, social well-being, the protection

of human rights and the preservation of the environment.

The development of Africa, and I cannot

overemphasize this point, is the primary responsibility of

the Africans themselves. That is why in many African

countries today Governments continue with determination

to carry out bold and difficult reforms, reflected, inter alia,

in the improved and more rational use of public funds, in

the opening of our economies to international trade and in

the creation of conditions conducive to private enterprise

and to the transparent management of public affairs with,

most importantly, all sectors of society participating in the

work of national development, in the interests of all. In this

regard, we must pay tribute to the Bretton Woods

institutions, the World Bank and the International Monetary

Fund for the assistance and support they have extended to

our countries. For these ongoing efforts to be successful,

they must be supported by increased official development

assistance, substantial debt relief and by the lifting of

barriers and other protectionist measures. These three

areas require dynamic action on the part of the

international community.

Senegal is firmly convinced that we can combat

African pessimism if we are resolved jointly to promote

a mutually beneficial partnership for the recovery of an

Africa with enormous potential, which, if tapped, would

offer our partners real opportunities. It was this

conviction, let us recall, that prompted the Head of State

of Senegal, His Excellency Mr. Abdou Diouf, to take the

initiative during his first term of office as Acting

Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, to request

the convening for the first time of a special session of the

General Assembly to discuss the economic situation in

Africa. That is the light in which my country sees the two

initiatives devoted to Africa: the United Nations New

Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s and

the Special Initiative for Africa, launched by the

Secretary-General in March 1996.

Furthermore, we noted that the mid-term review of

the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of

Africa at this session gave a very frank assessment of

what must be done to make this project a genuine

framework for multilateral cooperation and a source of

inspiration for a fruitful partnership for development.

In conclusion, I should like to touch on the United

Nations financial crisis, which has become a source of

major concern for all our States. Since the causes of the

situation have been discussed at length in this very Hall,

I do not believe it is necessary to recall them. However,

one thing is very clear. At a time when our Organization

is committed on several fronts, both to restoring peace

and to strengthening its role as the primary framework

and instrument for the advent of the new world order, its

financial stability is essential to enable us jointly to meet

the major challenges ahead.

Therefore, my country, Senegal, would like once

again to appeal to all Member States regularly to meet

their financial obligations. In this regard, it is essential

that the credibility of the United Nations not be impugned

at a time when, individually and collectively, we have

such high hopes for the future of humankind.

Once again, the effectiveness of the United Nations

will depend upon our common resolve to harmonize our

own interests to achieve our shared goals in strict

11

accordance with the fundamental principles of the San

Francisco Charter.

As our President, His Excellency Mr. Abdou Diouf,

has said repeatedly, Senegal will continue, as it has in the

past, to work tirelessly for the attainment of the ideals of

peace, justice and solidarity, and to reaffirm and seek

compliance with all the principles on which a true

international community, sharing a common destiny, is

based.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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