Rwanda, 1969

1. Madam President, the very wise choice that has

raised you to the Presidency of this twenty-fourth session

of the United Nations General Assembly is a source of

satisfaction to Rwanda. Your outstanding personal qualities

as a jurist and a stateswoman — which my country, then

under United Nations Trusteeship, appreciated for itself

when you led certain missions there on behalf of our

Organization — justify this august Assembly’s unanimous

confidence in you, which honours not only your person

and your noble country Liberia, with which Rwanda

maintains friendly relations, but also our continent of

Africa.

2. We wish to take the opportunity also to do devout

homage to the memory of His Excellency the late

Mr. Arenales, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Guatemala,

who ably directed the work of the twenty-third session of

the General Assembly. He had the affection of us all, and

fate has taken him from us. My delegation wishes to convey

its heartfelt condolences to his country and to his family.

3. When, twenty-four years ago, a group of States most of

which had been lashed by the scourge of war twice within

twenty years met at San Francisco and adopted the United

Nations Charter, they believed that. they were thereby

creating the best possible conditions for establishing peace

and security and promoting international co-operation.

4. At the same time they bound themselves to respect a

number of fundamental principles, and in particular to act

effectively together to prevent and remove threats to peace

and to suppress any act of aggression or other breach of the

peace; to bring about the peaceful settlement of disputes;

to develop friendly relations among nations based on

respect for the principle of the equal rights and

self-determination of peoples; and to co-operate in solving

international economic, social, intellectual and humanitarian

problems and in promoting and encouraging respect for

human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without

distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. They

acceded also to the corollaries of these principles: namely,

non-interference in the domestic affairs of States, and

respect for their sovereign equality.

5. But, sad to say, the political history of these twenty-four

years of the Organization’s existence teaches us that

the proclamation of noble objectives at San Francisco did

not necessarily protect the world against the threat of grave

dangers caused by the intolerance of certain States towards

others, by the great Powers’ thirst for supremacy, by the

confiscation here and there of the rights and freedoms of

individuals, by the selfishness of developed and industrialized

countries in the face of the marked poverty of the

less-favoured, by the arms race between certain States, and

by these States’ possession of weapons of mass destruction.

I shall say no more.

6. Rwanda’s permanent policy and course of action are

still based on unconditional loyalty to the principles I have

stated, in the face of the world’s many past and present

critical situations, and are still unswervingly aimed at the

maintenance of that peace and security which are so dear to

us all, and at co-operation between States, particularly for

economic and social development.

7. To Rwanda the human personality is sacred, its

freedom is inviolable and the fundamental freedoms are

guaranteed to all our citizens; all are equal before the law

without distinction of race, tribe, colour, sex or religion.

Our Constitution, in its Part II, Chapter I, guarantees public

freedoms.

8. It is with all the deeper distress that we see in the

southern part of our African continent — by which I mean

Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, Southern Rhodesia and the

Republic of South Africa — that these freedoms which we

are all proud of enjoying and to which we are so deeply

attached are utterly denied to a vast number of individuals,

and that the United Nations has not yet succeeded in

finally eradicating those destructive cankers, colonialism

and apartheid.

9. We must, of course, pay tribute to the worthy attacks

that our Organization, urged by the countries of the third

world and especially by those of Africa and Asia, constantly

makes on the forces of evil in that part of the world.

Nevertheless, no matter how noble our Organization’s

action, and no matter how apt our resolutions may be, they

are always blocked by a conspiracy among the imperialist

and racist forces of Portugal, Southern Rhodesia and the

Republic of South Africa, which are encouraged by the

plotting of the great economic and financial interests of

certain Powers.

10. In Angola and Mozambique the shameless, base and

anachronistic policy of Portugal grows more refined and

continues to set at defiance the fighting spirit of the

African patriots and the international public feeling which

backs their cause.

11. In addition to these two territories, Portugal’s criminal

policy is aimed at the adjacent countries. We recall that in

July 1969 Portugal violated the territorial integrity of

Zambia, a sovereign country and a Member of the United

Nations, in order to sow death and affliction among the

people there. Are we to believe that Security Council

resolution 268 (1969) on this matter, which my country

unreservedly supports, will remain a dead letter in the

history of our Organization?

12. In Rhodesia Ian Smith, leader of the tribalist and

racist minority, under cover of the hesitant and constantly

procrastinating policy of the United Kingdom, has repeatedly

succeeded in cynically preventing the application of

resolutions of this Assembly and of the Organization of

African Unity, and has even gone so far as to set up the

so-called Republic of Southern Rhodesia after pretending

to consult the people.

13. in Namibia, the imperialist policy of the Republic of

South Africa continues to wreak havoc despite the important

decision taken by our Organization to place that

territory under the direct control of the United Nations.

14. In South Africa racial discrimination, established as a

State religion, is still absolute. The reactionary forces of

Southern Rhodesia are being taught in that unhappy school

so thoroughly that, if we are not careful, South African

racism will soon make sorry conquests in that part of the

world. Indeed, do not the facts show clearly enough that

South Africa is trying to throw a dangerous cordon round

the independent neighbouring countries?

15. Rwanda has never swerved from its duty to denounce

publicly racist, colonialist and repressive policies like those

instituted by South Africa and by Portugal in Angola and

Mozambique and now inspiring the usurpers of Southern

Rhodesia. Accordingly it stresses once more its deep

concern at these explosive situations which, beyond question,

directly threaten peace and security in southern

Africa. It again adjures the Portuguese and South African

Governments to understand the meaning of history and to

co-operate with our Organization.

16. Speaking more particularly of Namibia, Rwanda can

never repeat often enough that the United Nations has a

very special obligation to lose no time in enabling the

peoples of that Territory to regain their stolen sovereignty

and govern themselves in freedom and dignity. In other

words, it should take appropriate and effective measures to

induce the Republic of South Africa to abandon its evil

policy in Namibia and withdraw completely. My country

for its part has spared and will spare no effort to make its

full contribution to the pursuit of the Organization’s

burdensome task, for it is convinced that none of us may

shirk the responsibilities that history imposes upon us all.

17. It is also important that Member countries which love

peace and freedom, in their efforts to combat colonialism,

particularly in Africa, should both recognize and support

the action pursued so nobly and tirelessly, and under such

difficult conditions, by the Organization of African Unity.

18. But colonialism and racial segregation are not, unfortunately,

the only distressing problems of our time. There is

also the civil war which is laying waste Nigeria; there is the

problem of Viet-Nam, not to mention the thorny question

of the Middle East.

19. With regard to the civil war in Nigeria, no man with

any heart can remain unmoved by the terrible suffering it

causes the civilian population on both sides. We have always

appreciated the efforts of the Organization of African

Unity Consultative Committee on Nigeria to find an

adequate solution. The philanthropic action taken by

certain States and international organizations to relieve the

misery caused by the war likewise compels the admiration

of us all.

20. The fact remains, nevertheless, that the Nigerian

question is far from being solved, Hence it is up to our

Organization — since it is not entitled to intervene directly in

the matter — to encourage and support the action being

taken by the Organization of African Unity. In the view of

the Government of Rwanda, the basis for the settlement of

this question would be first to stop the fighting, and then

to seek a mutually-acceptable solution.

21. As for the Viet-Namese problem, Rwanda, while

deploring that the negotiations in Paris are merely marking

time, is gratified nevertheless to note the glimmers of

agreement that are appearing on the horizon and the

decision solemnly taken by the President of the United

States of America to begin “de-escalation” by reducing the

numbers of military personnel stationed in Viet-Nam,

notwithstanding the existence of international commitments

undertaken by the United States towards South

Viet-Nam. We venture to hope that the voices of reason and

conscience will replace the clash of arms as swiftly as

possible, and that the various parties in the conflict will

accept negotiations as the only valid means of settling this

dispute which has for so many years so cruelly lacerated

that region of the world.

22. I come now to a no less painful question: that of the

Middle East. My country, which has real ties of friendship

and co-operation with both parties to the conflict, has

never concealed its concern at a situation in which violence

seems to have become the only way of life. That is why,

from this same rostrum and in other similar circumstances,

we have never ceased to maintain that only a dialogue

between the parties can lead to an honourable solution.

23. In my Government’s view there is no case so weak as

that of “those States“ which persist in ignoring the

existence of the State of Israel although it is a fully-fledged

Member of the United Nations. There can be no such thing

as a holy war; is there, perhaps, such a thing as a just war

when it is justified by self-defence? The appropriate

course, therefore, is for Israel and the Arab countries to try

to meet in order to discuss face to face the dispute that

divides them.

24. There is another problem of equal concern to my

Government: the problem of China. There is a good reason

for this: the question continues to be brought up and

debated at length at every session of our Assembly, and

each time various points of view are expressed. My

Government’s position is established and well known.

Rwanda recognizes the existence of only one Chinese

people, which is legitimately represented within the United

Nations and in the Security Council. As for the other

aspects of the question, my Government is convinced that

they are within the jurisdiction of this same people and

should be settled by it alone. To speak in more practical

terms, Taipei and Peking should direct their attention to

the search for a political formula that might fulfil the

necessary conditions for the concerted development of that

great nation.

25. I should also like to touch on the fate of two other

divided countries, Germany and Korea.

26. With regard to Germany, my government supports all

efforts to bring about the reunification of the German

people. Such reunification presupposes that the people of

the eastern part of that great country would be enabled to

express their will freely.

27. Turning to the problem of Korea: Rwanda ardently

desires to see the people of that country reunited on a

freely-negotiated basis, but still considers it necessary to

retain both the United Nations Commission for the

Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea and the United

Nations Force until the two parties agree on a modus

vivendi which would fully guarantee peace and security in

the country.

28. But would the abolition of colonialism and racial

segregation, and the elimination of sources of tension

throughout the world, be sufficient to give humanity hope

of lasting peace and security while the sword of Damocles

still hangs over our heads? I mean by that the spread of

nuclear weapons and the existence of stockpiles of weapons

of mass destruction.

29. My Government has made it a point of honour to

welcome the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)], which it regards as a

very propitious step. It would have signed the Treaty; but

no guarantee was given to those countries that do not

possess such weapons, and, what is more, no assurance was

given that existing weapons would be destroyed. To borrow

an aphorism, the local consequence of this situation would

be “the disarmament of the disarmed”.

30. My country believes that international relations should

be founded less on the balance of reciprocal fear than on

mutual confidence among States and on co-operation in

various fields.

31. The vast sums that States, especially the great Powers,

devote to armaments would be better used in raising the

living standards of the populations of those parts of the

earth where people do not get enough to eat, or are stricken

by various diseases, or where even basic education is

inadequate.

32. However, no subject has ever commanded such sustained

attention as international co-operation. That is

because in the present-day world, where the mingling of the

human race has woven such close ties that the wealth or

poverty of one should be shared by the other, the many

bonds of interdependence ought to increase solidarity

among States. It is impossible to discuss this question

without immediately mentioning relations among the so-called

developing countries and their relations with the

industrialized and developed countries.

33. Political history teaches us that the camp of the

so-called developing countries is mainly composed of

territories which were at one time colonized and which, as a

result of the notorious Colonial Pact, had always served as a

reservoir of raw materials for the colonizing countries,

which sold their finished products back to them. As a

result, there has generally been considerable delay in setting

up genuine national industries in those territories; and even

when they have attained independence it has not been easy

for them to reorganize their internal economic structures

and readapt their systems of trade.

34. Rwanda was one of those countries which, in Geneva

in 1964 and in New Delhi in 1968, at the two international

conferences on trade and development, did not conceal

what they felt about the precarious economic situation of

the developing countries.

35. The United Nations itself was also concerned, so

deeply that it issued an appeal to the consciences of all

Member States. Thus in 1961 a number of specific

resolutions were adopted, establishing what has been called

the First United Nations Development Decade. Those

resolutions called on the wealthy countries in particular to

set aside each year 1 per cent of their national income for

the development of the countries that are still poor. Sad to

say, at the end of the Decade we find that — with perhaps

one exception, France — no country has been able to attain

that target of 1 per cent; and it is generally agreed that the

First Development Decade has been little short of a failure.

36. What are we promised by the Second Development

Decade, which is to begin in 1971? It is important to note

that one of the major obstacles to development in the poor

countries is the weakness of their domestic savings; because

of this they often resort to bilateral and multilateral

assistance. It would be appropriate during the Second

Development Decade to initiate more active co-operation

among the donor countries or organizations, in order tc

avoid competition among them, and between those countries

and organizations and the recipient countries. As part

of multilateral aid, it would also be appropriate to consult

the recipient countries as often as possible on the best ways

of using the aid they receive. It would thus be possible to

adjust the machinery for granting that aid in accordance

with needs and conditions, which indeed are not all alike

either in time or in place.

37. It is essential to bridge the gap dividing the developed

from the developing countries; for, as was said not long ago

by an authoritative African personality at the New Delhi

Conference:

“To confiscate 85 per cent of the world’s income for

the benefit of one quarter of the world’s population is the

greatest injustice of all time. To leave only 15 per cent of

the world’s income for 2,300 million out of 3,000 million

people is the greatest act of cruelty of all time. On top of

that to devote the sums confiscated to what we know to

be a vast expenditure on arms is the greatest absurdity

and the greatest aberration of all time.”

38. In a century in which human genius has carried out

the boldest scientific exploits, even to the point of enabling

man to set foot on the moon, is it not scandalous that on

the planet where he dwells hunger, disease and ignorance

still rudely defy him? But the poor nations themselves

must be convinced of the need to oppose a united front to

under-development. They should rise above narrow nationalism

and turn their attention to the creation of large

groups which would be more effective in promoting

development with a greater degree of regional or continental

integration and balance. It cannot be said too often that

poverty and hunger in the world threaten the security of

nations just as much as does the rattle of arms.

39. It was my delegation’s wish to draw the attention of

the Assembly to a number of problems which confront our

Organization and which the Government of Rwanda is

sparing no effort to solve, convinced as it is that the

maintenance of peace and security in the world and the

promotion of international co-operation are certainly not

tasks for a single State, or even for a few, but rather a duty

for all States.

40. During the twenty-four years of its existence the

United Nations has often proved impotent in the many

complex situations that the world has experienced. Nevertheless,

faith in the United Nations is more necessary than

ever, today even more than yesterday, and must continue

to be the force behind all our efforts to create better living

conditions and better chances of survival for present and

future generations.

41. In conclusion, Rwanda would like to express once

again its unshakable devotion to the purposes of the

Charter and its firm determination to make its full

contribution to the tireless efforts of our Organization.