Romania, 1992

I would like first to join previous speakers

in extending to Ambassador Ganev my warm congratulations on his election. It

gives me particular pleasure to see the representative of one of the new

European democracies, which is also a friendly neighbour of Romania, heading

such an important session.

I should like also to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros

Boutros-Ghali, whose tireless endeavours to catalyze our common efforts aiming

at conferring on the United Nations a new role attuned to a changing world

enjoy my country's full support.

Within a few days, we in Romania are going to experience a historic

moment in the post-revolutionary history of our country. On 27 September,

parliamentary and presidential elections - the first since the adoption of our

new democratic Constitution will take place. We see them as a landmark for

a country whose firm choice of political pluralism, the rule of law, democracy

and a market economy has, for the most part, been undeservedly doubted. I

want to inform the Assembly that the Romanian Government has done its best to

ensure a fair electoral campaign, and free and fair elections. In turn, the

presence of thousands of domestic and numerous foreign observers is a solid

guarantee of this.

It is not my intention to speak here and now about the heavy tolls the

Romanian people has already paid on the road to a reform process able to

strike a feasible balance between legitimate aspirations and the scarcity of

the economic resources needed to meet them. But I feel entitled to say that

the incidental lapses that have sometimes seemed to jeopardize the steady

course of transition stemmed not from attempts to look back but rather from a

certain eagerness to step into the future one day sooner.

Like all the other new Central European democracies, Romania is

undergoing a test that has no historical precedent, namely simultaneously to

create new political structures and new, workable economic mechanisms.

However, as our Prime Minister recently said, we have already saved ourselves

from five years of perestroika. And we must keep on forging forward while,

paradoxically, we are still searching for gradualism. Moreover, there is no

sign that someone has an ideal, fool-proof blueprint for the changes we are

striving for. Thank God, it seems that Romania has already left behind most

of its childhood diseases. Considering that the saying "the sooner the

better" goes for measles too, we might prove in the long run to have been

among the lucky ones in post-Communist Europe.

To cite just one example, I would recall that in the past year

allegations concerning so-called Romanian anti-semitism have been frequently

voiced. Now, that it has become clear that they were groundless, it is our

turn to be concerned that in neighboring countries and other Central European

countries, xenophobic, racist and anti-semitic trends have emerged.

The crux of the matter for our country and for other countries in

transition is to strengthen the learning capacity of society. We have no

comfortable dogmas or patterns to follow. We are courageously taking risks.

The whole process of reform has already reached the point of no return:

another reason why countries in transition should not be left alone, the more

so because, in a certain sense, not only post-Communist Europe but the world

as a whole is in transition.

The economic, moral and political investments Romania has enjoyed during

the last year have already proved that our message has been perfectly

understood by most of our potential partners. I make no secret that such

investments of confidence have followed an ascending curve, one corresponding

both to the growing domestic stability of Romania and our ever increasing

international confirmation as a reliable pillar of Central European and

continental security.

Such a positive judgement on the last year's developments in Romania is

convincingly supported by a series of parallel achievements in our domestic

and our foreign policy. Let me mention just a few of our domestic

achievements: the setting up of a new legislative and institutional framework

able to guarantee the rule of law, political pluralism, free and fair

elections, transition to a market economy and full respect for human rights

and fundamental freedoms; the adoption by the Parliament elected in May 1990

of the new Constitution approved by national referendum on 8 December 1991;

and the fact that, according to our fundamental law, the State recognizes and

guarantees to persons belonging to national minorities the right to preserve,

develop and express their cultural, linguistic and religious identity, to

which one can add a particular feature of Romania's Constitution, whose

article 20 states that

"constitutional provisions concerning the citizens' rights and liberties

shall be interpreted and enforced in conformity with the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights, and with the covenants and other treaties to

which Romania is a party"

and that

"where any inconsistencies exist between the covenants and treaties on

fundamental human rights to which Romania is a party and domestic laws,

the international regulations shall take precedence".

Another achievement is the local elections held in February 1992,

confirmed as fair and free by their main outcome: by the fact that the

opposition parties won an important number of seats everywhere in the

country. As a result, Romanian society enjoys more balanced political

representation, clearly contradicting allegations pointing to the danger of

"monolithism" in Romania. The fairness of the elections was confirmed also in

the conclusions drawn by the foreign observers who witnessed the ballot. The

country qualifies to be called pluralistic and democratic.

The unfolding of the current election campaign brings new proof that

political pluralism, the rule of law, free access to the media, and freedom of

speech are becoming normal facts of life in today's Romania. All of these are

promises that they will greatly contribute to the strengthening of both the

institutional framework and its functioning, thereby irreversibly including

Romania in the family of stable and democratic States.

Through adequate legislation, the building-up of economic and financial

market mechanisms, the privatization of the land, industry, trade, services

and tourism, Romania has succeeded in breaking away from the command economy

and in becoming more and more attractive to foreign investors. Romania is now

in its third year of transition. It has laid the foundations of a market

economy and is ready to begin structural reform. As part of the reform, the

Romanian Government adopted an economic stabilization programme supported by a

stand-by loan from the International Monetary Fund. The programme lays stress

on classical anti-inflationary measures and, at the same time, has specific

elements conditioned by the need to create a market mechanism.

As a matter of principle, Romania aims at developing normal relations of

cooperation with all States, and in particular with its neighbours. The

foreign policy of our Government is inspired by the political will to create

the necessary conditions leading to Romania's irreversible anchorage within

the Euro-Atlantic space and its viable institutions, and, respectively, to

increase the country's contribution to the building-up of the Euro-Atlantic

community of values and of a new continental security order. In this spirit,

Romania entered into negotiations on an association agreement with the

European Communities that is about to be concluded, and a cooperation

agreement with the European Free Trade Association. At the same time, like

the other Central European countries, Romania entered into a special

relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and attaches

particular importance to its participation as a partner in the North-Atlantic

Co-operation Council.

The efforts to restore and consolidate democracy in Romania cannot and

should not be isolated from the international environment in which we are

living. Our major concern about the situation in Yugoslavia has been made

manifest in many circumstances. Being in the unique position in this area of

having never waged a fighting war against any of the peoples of the former

Yugoslavia, Romania is its only neighbour whose perception and attitude are in

no way biased by territorial or other interests of any kind. As a State

providing full evidence of balanced conduct and good relations with all the

Yugoslav republics, Romania can afford to take a neutral stand on any related

matter and is determined to contribute further to the efforts of the

international community to restore peace and stability in Yugoslavia.

As participants in the London Conference on Yugoslavia, we have stressed

that a peaceful settlement is the only acceptable alternative for all the

parties to the conflict. Despite the evolution of the conflict in the

aftermath of the London Conference, we still believe that the relevant action

programme adopted there is comprehensive and realistic, although peace may not

be achieved overnight.

The concerted efforts of the United Nations and the European Community,

supported by all the participants in the Conference, including Romania which

is the first non-Community neighbouring country represented in the Steering

Committee - should not ignore the fact that the specific patchwork of

Yugoslavia has always challenged conventional wisdom. Now it also challenges

the application of the basic concepts of international law. There cannot be a

separate international law for Yugoslavia. Although the conditions are

historically and psychologically peculiar, international law is the same for

all.

We may think of arrangements adapted to the specific situation and

acceptable to the parties concerned. Whatever their contents, they will

remain what they are one-time solutions that do not create international

law. Given that Romania's initiative in asking for international monitoring

of the observance of the embargo along our Danubian frontier with former

Yugoslavia has been confirmed as a positive example to be followed by other

neighbors, I shall not dwell at length on this matter. But I cannot help

underlining that the costly consequences of my country's scrupulous compliance

with the resolutions of the Security Council on Yugoslavia have triggered

legitimate concerns among the population of the country. It fears that, as in

the case of the Gulf War, Romania could again economically and financially pay

more than it can afford for being a law-abiding member of the international

community.

That is why we would suggest that the Security Council devise a set of

measures involving the financial institutions and other components of the

United Nations system that can help States to meet the economic difficulties

entailed by compliance with the regime of sanctions. We envisage a standing

compensation fund to be administered by the Security Council in order to

alleviate, if not fully compensate for, the economic losses of countries

particularly stricken by embargoes and other sanctions established by the

Security Council. We are in the process of working out a more detailed

proposal to this effect, which we are going to submit to the United Nations

community for consideration. The existence of such a fund would be a way of

encouraging States to cooperate with the Council in situations of crisis

management.

In the case of the conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of

Moldova, we are seeing a sort of "pacification" that is, in fact, proving to

be a kind of blackmail for the independence and territorial integrity of that

State. It is precisely the same army that generated the conflict and gave

arms and other support to separatist forces that today is performing the role

of "peacekeeper". This pattern has been resorted to in other newly independent

States as well. We sometimes ask ourselves if the independence of all these

former Soviet republics is taken seriously by the international community or

whether it is only a smoke screen behind which a new imperial structure is

taking shape.

In any case, we in Romania take it seriously. We cannot remain

indifferent when we see tendencies to remake the old empire, into which

Moldova was forcibly incorporated as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact.

Our interest in the independence and democratic development of a State where

65 per cent of the population is Romanian is natural. We are concerned that a

wise propensity for compromise from the Moldovan leaders was rewarded with a

policy of fait accompli aimed at institutionalizing the separation of the

Trans-Dniestr region from the Republic of Moldova. The evolution of the

conflict in the Republic of Moldova, taken in conjunction with the conflicts

generated elsewhere in the newly independent States, shows that nostalgia for

the former empire exists and has painful consequences for the peoples that

have gained their freedom at so high a cost.

It is the common wisdom that the United Nations remains a major actor in

the whole process of world change and a flag-bearer of indisputable

authority. In this respect, the new lease on life given to preventive

diplomacy is crucial. An encouraging and valuable political consensus on this

issue was expressed during the summit-level Security Council meeting held on

31 January 1992. The report of the Secretary-General "An Agenda for Peace"

includes a set of inspired guidelines which, once adopted and implemented,

would bring us closer to the ideals the United Nations pursues in a world of

turbulence. At the same time, we have to be mindful that we are contemplating

a long-lasting framework and that there is therefore a need to avoid ephemeral

solutions and mechanisms inspired by specific and temporary conflicts or

influenced by emotional or short-view approaches.

Given the tragic situation in Yugoslavia and other lessons drawn from

recent history, we must also forgo hasty generalizations and biased views.

Wisdom and patience, an even-handed attitude, and the spirit of compromise are

the necessary basic ingredients for any settlement involving the destiny of

peoples. In this respect, we wholeheartedly endorse the pertinent remarks of

the Secretary-General, who says in his report that, if every ethnic, religious

or linguistic group claimed statehood, there would be no limit to

fragmentation, and peace, security and economic well-being for all would

become ever more difficult to achieve.

Yet, we would find it extremely useful if the General Assembly were to

analyse more thoroughly the concept of the self-determination of peoples in

order to prevent any distortion of this specific concept in the sense of

extrapolating it to the case of national minorities. Generally speaking, we

should try to avoid a risky tendency towards a "proliferation of principles".

Of course, some might be tempted to say that the current turmoils in different

parts of the world are living proof that the principles enshrined in the

United Nations Charter are out of date or at least incomplete. We share the

view with the great majority of United Nations Member States that it is not

the principles that are wanting but the way they are put into practice.

Disregard or breaches of international law favour conflicts and not a

so-called "scarcity" of principles.

The year 1992 is a milestone year for cooperative measures aimed at arms

control and disarmament, transparency and confidence, strengthening

action-oriented dialogue, and cooperation on security issues. The Romanian

Government welcomes the conclusion of the Convention on the destruction and

prohibition of chemical weapons and is ready to sign the Convention in

January 1993 in Paris. We regard this Convention as a genuine pillar of

international security.

At the same time, the set of major agreements that were signed or that

entered into force this year at the European level the Treaty on

Conventional Forces in Europe, the Vienna Document, the Helsinki Final Act on

Conventional Armed Forces, and the Open Skies Treaty - have laid the

foundation for lasting cooperation and stability on the Continent. The

opening in Vienna, this very week, of the Forum for Security Cooperation

launches a further stage of the dialogue among the participating States of the

Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in their joint

endeavour for increased security and stability for each and every country in

the Euro-Atlantic area. In addition, particular mention should be made of the

historical processes within both the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and

the partnership established among the Western European Union (WEU) member

States and the eight countries of Central Europe, including Romania.

Thus, step by step, the basic components of a new security order in

Europe are taking shape, taking into account the structural transformations on

the European continent. In fact, today the security of any country in the

European sphere cannot be conceived but as a result of harmonious interaction

between the United Nations, CSCE, NATO and WEU, and also of increased efforts

at the subregional level.

We welcome the decisions to convene the World Conference on Human Rights

in 1993 and a world summit on social development in 1995. In our opinion, the

1993 World Conference should represent an important occasion for putting a

final stop to the tendencies to politicize minority issues by taking them out

of their natural framework - the framework of human rights a framework which

offers the best and the only viable answers to concerns connected to

guaranteeing and respecting the legitimate rights of persons belonging to

national minorities and to the protection of ethnic, cultural, linguistic and

religious identity.

The health of the world community vitally depends on the health of our

planet itself. The Rio Conference proved that mankind is ready to forge a new

partnership for promoting sustainable development the key concept to

safeguarding human civilization. Romania is ready to put its shoulder to the

wheel with a view to alleviating as soon as possible the actual threats to the

health of our planet and to the wealth of the world community.

Seeing in this audience representatives of such a great family of

nations, we realize the immense potential that good will and determination can

offer to the genuine universality of the world Organization. I am happy to

welcome all new States Members of the United Nations and to extend to all of

them the best wishes of my Government and the Romanian people. May I address

our congratulations to the representatives of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and

Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of

Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. I am

confident that the authoritative voice of the United Nations will be a source

for action-oriented measures for the sake and well-being of all nations.

Romania, as a democratic country fully attached to the ideals embodied in

the United Nations Charter, in making its own contribution to the achievement

of mankind's aspirations and to the vital answers we are expected to give to

the challenges of the forthcoming century, in which international cooperation

should be governed by law. For its cogency with the objectives of the current

United Nations Decade of International Law, I would like to recall the

prophetic words of a great Romanian diplomat, Nicolae Titulescu, who, 55 years

ago, stated:

"Only when the law shines like the rising Sun in the soul of all men

as a guiding spirit, an imperative requirement, and a self-imposed

obligation that is one with organized freedom only then will Mankind

have been saved."