Peru, 1969

31. Let my first words pay a well-deserved tribute to

the memory of Mr. Emilio Arenales, who presided with

wisdom and dedication over the work of the twenty-third

session of the United Nations General Assembly, and whose

untimely death has deprived us of his enlightened counsel

in the work of international understanding entrusted to him

by the community of nations. At the same time, I wish to

express our appreciation of the honour conferred on

Dr. Luis Alvarado of completing the duties of the Presidency.

32. And now on behalf of my Government, and personally

as well, Madam President, I am happy to offer you our

sincerest congratulations on your election as President of

this Assembly. It is, indeed, a source of satisfaction that a

lady of your worth has been elected to discharge so high an

office, and we are confident that you will bring to it all the

impartiality, judgement and tact vouchsafed by your past

accomplishments.

33. At the same time, I feel it is incumbent upon me to

make particular reference to the activities of our Secretary-General,

U Thant, who has striven valiantly and indefatigably to solve the difficult and complex problems submitted to him.

34. This is also a suitable occasion for expressing our

congratulations to the International Labour Organisation,

which is now celebrating its fiftieth anniversary in the

search for social justice, and to its Director, Mr. David A.

Morse, whose unstinting devotion to the service of that

organization has deservedly received the unanimous

acknowledgement of workers, employers and Governments.

35. I also wish to express the satisfaction of the Government

and the delegation of Peru at the recent admission of

new Member States to the United Nations. With that step

the legitimate aspirations of their peoples have reached

their culmination. At the same time, we are drawing ever

closer to the full implementation of the principle of the

universality of the Organization and widening the possibilities

of strengthening it with the contribution of new

initiatives to achieve international co-operation and solidarity.

36. On behalf of the Revolutionary Government of Peru, I

bring the message and the hopes of a people earnestly

engaged in the achievement of integration and brotherhood,

regarded as the only just and desirable basis for peace and

general well-being.

37. I have not come to this Assembly merely as a

formality but to speak to you with absolute frankness

about what is being thought and done in my country with

regard to both national and universal problems which not

only interest us but also affect us. I must begin by saying

that at home we feel a deep sense of disappointment—and

at the same time a clear awareness of our responsibilities as

a Government—at the lack of any international concerted

effort to put an end to the confrontations and sufferings

which still afflict the majority of the world’s peoples.

38. Most ordinary people view with scepticism, if not

exasperation, the repetition of speeches that no one listens

to, lyrical but unimplemented resolutions on peace, the

independence of States, human rights and international

co-operation, while men are dying on the battlefield,

countries still labour under colonial régimes or under

pressure from more powerful nations, all sorts of practices

flourish that violate the dignity of persons and the

aspirations of peoples, and selfishness and injustice continue

to hold sway in economic relations between the various nations.

39. The exploit that scarcely two months ago carried the

first men to alight on the moon is undoubtedly the greatest

triumph of science and technology of our time. We all

followed it enthusiastically and joined, either publicly

privately, in the satisfaction of the United States Government

and people at the success of an undertaking which,

apart from its own great merits, has also strengthened the

faith of humanity in the achievement of new conquests as

yet undreamed of.

40. I must confess, however, that we are less optimistic

about the problems still besetting us on our own planet,

among countries separated by much shorter distances, but

much deeper divergencies—I would even say sometimes by

abysses—when we compare the wealth, progress and happiness

of some with the wretchedness, backwardness and anxiety of the rest.

41. Today, as yesterday, the challenge and crucial task of

our generation must still be that of achieving peace,

security and the welfare of all nations, so that we may

eradicate the causes of tension and conflict, of hegemony

and dependence, of rivalry and hatred, and be able to live

together in a more just and worthy order, in which

freedom, equality and fraternity will no longer be mere

slogans of frustrated ideals, but facts that all human beings

can experience.

42. It is to this endeavour that all Governments and

peoples are dedicated, both those that have attained a high

standard of living and those still subsisting in sub-human

conditions, because the difference between them is not the

result of chance, nor of the intrinsic superiority of some

and inferiority of others, but of a series of circumstances in

which social factors—wherein exploitation and abuse have

not been unknown—have played a part.

43. The Peruvian revolution, which began scarcely 11

months ago, was born as a response to the deepest needs of

our people. From the outset, it has obeyed an exclusively

independent conception, which seeks to draw from the

reality of Peru itself the inspiration and the drive which will

weld together the efforts of an entire country in one

creative undertaking and help to forge a truly just and truly

free social order.

44. The Conquistadors, who arrived over 400 years ago in

what is now Peru, tried to transplant the forms of an old

society into a new world that was already peopled by an

extraordinarily gifted indigenous population. Three centuries

later, political independence had still not brought

about any fundamental change in the economic, social and

cultural structure that had been established during colonial days.

45. During the century and a half of republican life that

followed, the disparity between the wealthy few and the

mass of the population remained unchanged, when it did

not actually increase. Apart from the cases of a few

exceptionally able or ambitious men, power, great estates

and businesses were all retained effortlessly in the hands of

the dominant group, while employees, workers and

especially the peasants lived in dismal circumstances and

with little or no hope of improvement, due to the economic

and cultural limitations imposed upon them by the society

of that time.

46. The passage from a stratified structure of closed social

groups to one of more mobile components was thus clearly

impossible until the last decade. It is obvious, in the light of

this situation, of which I have drawn only the merest

outline, that radical changes and urgent reforms were

needed to transform the structure of Peruvian society.

47. This was the aim of the revolution, to clear for our

people the way to true social justice, and we are carrying

our revolution through in order to shatter forever the

traditional patterns of a basically unjust social and economic

system. We are fighting to complete the independence of our

country and to free it from its situation as

an under-developed country. Under-development and

dependence, which is its corollary, have been the dominant

features of the structure of Peru’s economy. It is against

these that the revolution is directed, because we are

convinced that so long as they continue to exist, our people

will continue to be the victims of exploitation and

ignorance, because we have seen that both these factors

lead to the concentration of power in the hands of small

privileged groups, while other vast sectors remain on the

fringe of society and, finally, because we know full well

that so long as we remain under-developed and dependent,

we shall never be masters of our own destiny as a free and

fully sovereign nation.

48. Thus the essential features of our revolution can be

summed up in two words: what is taking place in Peru is a

nationalist revolution. The status quo is being shaken to its

very roots. We are changing the face and the traditional

structure of Peru; but we are doing so by creating, not

importing solutions, by proclaiming the right, the responsibility

and the duty to decide, by and for ourselves, the

direction and the means of this beneficial change. Peru will

never again be the country it was prior to the revolution. Of

what we were and of our past, we shall preserve whatever

will be of help in the building of our future. But we shall

abandon—indeed we are already doing so—all that is useless

dead weight in the salvage operation to make our country a

new and better country for ail Peruvians.

49. While we are nationalists, we are also humanists,

because we are imbued with a profound social feeling. We

believe that the first duty of the State is to ensure the

sovereignty and development of the nation, but that the

final goal is man, not one group, one sector or one class.

50. The keystones of our revolutionary ideal are independence and structural transformation, and these two concepts constitute an emotional binomial through which development becomes the most perfect synonym of social peace. We aim for development not as a mere instrument of prosperity, improvement or modernization of the present

social order, since that might lead us to industrial capitalism, but as an instrument to eliminate inequalities and social injustice and to establish a new democratic system with no room for privileges based on class or on political, economic or religious factors.

51. Our nationalism represents an intention to achieve the

effective social cohesion of the country, an effort to bolster

political unity, to strengthen the economy and to complete

our independence. It finds sustenance in the moral and

spiritual resources of our people, in all that is positive in

our collective characteristics and in the imperative need to

preserve and strengthen them. We aim at social and

economic development but without sacrificing our truly

national traditions and institutions.

52. Therefore, to those who often ask us about the nature

of the process or, without asking, try to identify us with

political movements in other countries, we must clearly

explain that we are pursuing a Peruvian policy, free from

foreign trammels and orientations. We are nationalists and

revolutionaries: we seek Peruvian solutions to the problems

and needs of Peru.

53. We are struggling to consolidate our sovereignty, to

defend our legitimate interests and to enable our people to

achieve better standards of life, in keeping with the dignity

of the human person. We are firmly convinced that this

struggle will strengthen a national awareness that will allow

us to lay the foundations of a truly free and independent

society, one ready to achieve its objectives by its own

efforts, free from the shackles of conformity or foreign

dependence; a society in which man is both the beginning

and the end, the cause and the effect of our action, for

there would be no sense in advocating revolutionary change

unless it were for the direct and full advantage of Peruvian

citizens.

54. Revolutionary transformation, which is the very

essence of the new Peruvian policy, has taken the shape of

acts to reform the organic and essential features of the

country.

55. The first of these acts was not strictly a reform, but

rather the exercise of national sovereignty in confrontation

with a foreign oil company which, through its own

economic power and the protection accorded to it, had for

many years enjoyed a position of singular privilege,

contrary to our law. By this act in strict conformity with

existing laws that, in the past, had not been enforced

through fear of international pressure, a long-standing claim

for justice was redressed, and a need for legitimate

reparation was met, while at the same time a clear and

conclusive response was given to one of the vital economic

needs of the country, a need that the Government was

determined to satisfy.

56. The Peruvian position in this case involved decisions

inherent in the full exercise of State sovereignty, but this

exercise was not arbitrary. On the contrary, it confined

itself strictly to classic Peruvian law which, in accordance

with the tenets of almost all nations of the world,

condemns usurpation and monopolies—especially in the

case of mineral resources, which belong to the whole

people. This was the situation to which Peru, juridically and

in full exercise of its sovereignty, has put an end. Our

decision is supported by international obligations derived

from the Charter of the United Nations itself, and

repeatedly acknowledged in this Assembly, not only concerning

the recognition of the right of every State to

administer and exploit its own natural resources, but also

forbidding other States to interfere in such administration.

57. The international order repudiates all forms of intervention.

When the latter takes the form of economic pressure or sanctions, it becomes a form of aggression that is all the more unethical and unjust when directed against a people that is peacefully endeavouring to overcome the obstacles to its own under-development.

In these circumstances, what is most incumbent upon any great

industrialized nation, and in general upon all those enjoying the

benefits of exploiting the world’s riches, is, as a basic duty,

to co-operate unconditionally with those countries which,

by their own free decision and assuming inevitable risks,

undertake the historical task of trying to expedite their

progress and carry through a profound and rational structural change.

58. The decrees promulgated by the Peruvian Government

in reclaiming the nation’s oil, which constitutes its main

energy resource, are, therefore, sovereign decisions, both

legal and necessary. They are sovereign, because they come

from an independent State, a Member of this world

Organization; they are legal because they are based on

custom and legal provisions which have been in force since

the days of the Incas and on laws which govern Peru today

within a system similar to that of the majority of States;

and they are necessary, because they are indispensable if we

are to forge ahead and really overcome our national

under-development.

59. Such a strong position notwithstanding, the Peruvian

ordinance offers the widest guarantees under which, in

defence of its interests, any firm may have recourse either

to the administrative authorities or to the courts of the

land. Of course, this is not a system which we ourselves

have devised, since it is to be found in almost all countries,

but it allows both employees and companies the opportunity

of various stages of recourse to the government, as was the

case with Peruvian oil, or of a series of applications

and appeals to the Peruvian courts.

60. We therefore consider that any measure of pressure or

sanction against Peru for defending its public oil heritage

and its new energy policy would be tantamount to open

intervention and economic aggression in violation of international undertakings which were considered to have

replaced the old system of diplomatic protection so

abusively used in the past to shield financial interests. But

that system, of which so much could be said by the

developing countries, is one which we are putting an end to

once and for all, since it bespoke a form of intervention

which Peru has always rejected; and we are rejecting it again

from this rostrum, since we regard it as not only an attack

on the independence of States, but also as totally contrary

to the noble principles of the United Nations.

61. In order to achieve the fundamental aim of the

Revolutionary Government—that is, to promote higher

standards of living, compatible with human dignity, in the

less privileged sectors of the population—and to do so in

accordance with the recommendations of the Punta del

Este Meeting of American Presidents of the Papal

Encyclicals and of the United Nations, my country has

embarked on a genuine agrarian reform, which has received

the unanimous support of our people and the fullest

international endorsement. The new law has not only done

away with archaic privileges but, by radically changing the

traditional structure of the Peruvian system of land tenure,

has laid the groundwork for a total economic reconstruction

of the country. The agrarian reform constitutes the

most complete structural transformation ever undertaken in

our country. Its repercussions on all aspects of national life

will be enormous and it will open the way to social justice

by encouraging the emergence and strengthening of middle

and proletarian sectors of the population who, with ever

increasing awareness of their interests, will provide the

leaders which the country needs to consolidate the new

ordering of society.

62. Peru has always depended on its mineral wealth and,

today, this wealth appears as the one resource whose

exploitation is the key to the economic future of the

country. The vast mining potential of Peru is, and will be,

the basic element in the foreign trade sector of our

economy and its development will to a large extent

determine the rate of growth of the country. Accordingly,

the Government has, with all the desired urgency, adopted

measures to ensure the immediate exploitation of these

resources in order to correct the huge disparity between the

present levels of production and the estimated and known

reserves and mining potential of the country.

63. The aforementioned measures in no way alter the

policy of the Revolutionary Government to encourage and

help investors, from wherever they may come, so long as

they are ready to work within the spirit and the letter of

the laws of the Republic. In the mining sector we offer

investors opportunities which are undoubtedly among the

best to be found.

64. I also wish to mention the reform in regard to business

undertakings which will be carried out in due course in

Peru. Inaccurate reports about this have been circulated

which may tend to create an adverse picture both within

the country and abroad. It should be made quite clear, as

the President of the Republic recently stated, that:

“The Revolutionary Government will not turn private

undertakings in co-operatives, except in those cases

provided for in the recent agrarian reform law. The

measures envisaged do not disavow the legitimate rights

stemming from ownership of the means of production; on

the contrary, they will be devised to encourage investment

and industrial modernization and, consequently, to

stimulate development.”

65. The reform in regard to business undertakings, therefore,

is in no way intended to prejudice the interests of

business owners, but to bring them into harmony with

those of the workers, strictly within the bounds of justice.

In all this change, the State is playing a dynamic and

encouraging role, and for this purpose we have revised its

organization so as to give it the necessary capacity and

vitality as well as the legal and functional instruments by

which to carry out its activities effectively in conjunction

with the efforts of groups of businessmen imbued with the

same intentions of ensuring development for the national

good.

66. All these achievements are being secured without the

violence that has usually accompanied such radical changes

elsewhere, This bloodless revolution, this profound and

peaceful change that is being accomplished in Peru, is an

unparalleled experience that fits into none of the patterns,

blueprints or models of the past.

67. Those of us who have initiated this nationalist

revolution will not see the best of its fruits; they will be for

future generations. The revolution has no other beneficiary

but the people of Peru themselves. It was initiated for them

and for them it is being carried through. Our children will

inherit a very different and a better country than we

received from our forefathers.

68. This is the picture of the Peru of today, a Peru in

which the co-ordinates of the revolution lie in the dialectics

of development and the humanism of a social democracy

and in which our historic destiny is at stake and will be won

or lost in the next few years.

69. The features and objectives of the process—briefly

described above-—through which Peruvian society is at

present passing are reflected in the external sphere and

correspond to a conception of international society and of

the part to be played in it by Peru.

70. The distinguishing feature—we might almost say the

phenomenon—that particularly characterizes the world of

today, has been the concentration of the power of nations

around two poles, each of which is organized within its own

system. In addition to these two groups, which constitute

vast economic areas and co-ordinated political complexes,

there is the group of non-aligned nations, uncommitted to

the struggle between the dominant great Powers. Within

some of these three sectors or on their periphery, there is a

large category of nations which, although at different levels,

possess the common denominator of under-development

and a limited capacity to produce what they need.

71. Like the majority of the countries of Latin America,

Peru faces a slow rate of economic and social progress, a

dependent economy, backward structures, obstacles to

national integration and low educational and technological

levels, the effect of all this being aggravated by the urgent

needs resulting from very rapid population growth. These

facts make us one with the developing world. Yet we

cannot refrain from feeling that there are other factors

which single us out from many such countries: our political

development over 150 years of independent life; our

cultural background, rooted in ancient indigenous civilizations,

yet strongly marked, too, by the imprint of Western civilization.

72. Our affinities with the whole of the developing world

are identical, and we can therefore expect them to be a new

creative dimension in the pursuit of peace and well-being.

On the other hand, our links with the sphere of world

power in which we move do not always offer the same

encouraging perspectives. In that relationship, there are

contradictory tendencies at work that hamper, if they do

not cancel out, more fruitful possibilities of co-operation.

This seriously impedes any harmonious movement forward

towards progress and even jeopardizes international

security, since the thwarting of the legitimate aspirations of

a developing people must create a dangerous distortion in

its thinking. If, for argument’s sake, we take a society like

that of Peru as an example, we would have to start from the

very simple fact that, as far as it is concerned, only some

positive and lasting achievement in the sphere of welfare

could justify an effort and give meaning to national

security, to say nothing of making it feel that it forms an

integral part of a system of collective security at the

international level. The concepts of welfare, development

and security are thus very closely and permanently connected

with those of poverty and exploitation, which lie at

the very roots of under-developed nations and exacerbate

an explosive situation, the ramifications of which I should

not wish to dramatize here in strong terms.

73. The antagonism between the two poles of power is as

prejudicial to them as it is to the rest of the countries of the

world, which are forced to adopt attitudes not always in

keeping with their own interests and aspirations. That is

why the international community must do all it can to

further the healthy and growing trend towards mutual

understanding and rapprochement, and the attempts

evident today in both systems to appreciate each other’s

positive achievements and to collaborate in joint undertakings.

If, on both sides, the conviction gains ground that

the struggle, for hegemony is mistaken and futile and that it

must give way to competition in favour of development,

with sights set on general security and welfare, then we

shall be able to realize the most cherished ideal of mankind,

namely, one world, one single bloc of nations.

74. The Revolutionary Government of Peru, in its foreign

policy, has acted in conformity with the concepts I have

outlined, expanding its relations wherever possible,

defending its right to development and collaborating with

other countries in the process of integration and in the

establishment of new forms of international co-operation.

75. One of its first acts was to extend the country’s

diplomatic relations to those parts of the world from

which, for political or ideological reasons, it was estranged.

The new Government has established permanent missions in

the countries of Eastern Europe, convinced that thereby it

is serving the cause of peace, co-operation and the universal

vocation of this world body. We also believe that on the

basis of mutual respect, we shall be able to benefit from the

experience and the contributions of those countries, and we

shall seek forms of co-operation and exchange that will be

of mutual advantage.

76. As I explained when speaking of internal developments

in my country, Peru has had to wage a hard battle in

defence of the right to enjoy its own natural resources. The

legitimate act of exercise of national sovereignty whereby

the Revolutionary Government regained possession of that

wealth has caused serious difficulties in our international

relations and in the credit policies of some countries and

certain bodies, We believe that these incidents reveal a

singular lack of, understanding of domestic decisions that

come within the law and meet imperative requirements of

national sovereignty. Furthermore, we cannot accept the

claim to identify the general interest of a State with the

private interest of a company. A number of peoples and

Governments which have offered us their support have

understood our position and I wish to take this opportunity

of reiterating to them my country’s profound gratitude for

their spontaneous expressions of solidarity.

77. Those familiar with the geography of Peru know that

its wide desert-like coastal belt is compensated for by the

natural fruitfulness and wealth of the sea washing its shores.

Over 20 years ago, my country, aware of this natural

wealth, whose existence has been scientifically demonstrated

and which is peculiar to the Peruvian sea, proclaimed

its jurisdiction and sovereignty over the coastal

waters to the extent necessary to reserve, protect, preserve

and utilize rationally their marine resources. The system

subsequently established with other countries of the south-east

Pacific in defence of the same principles has been the

subject of diverse interpretations which, based as they are

on obsolete provisions which have been superseded by

scientific progress and by the need to adapt ourselves to

history, tend to overlook the rights of coastal States.

78. We must state clearly that these rights stem from the

undeniable need of coastal States to ensure the preservation

of the marine resources in their coastal waters in order to

feed their peoples and to benefit their national economy.

This need becomes even more imperative in the case of

countries whose precarious economic development and low

protein intake obliges them to multiply their efforts to

improve the living standards of their people.

79. We are in duty bound to overcome the disparity

between the wealth of our fisheries and the low nutritional

level of our people. The nutritional deficit, caused by the

lack of other resources, not only makes it difficult to meet

the needs of a growing population, but forces us to devote a

large portion of the country’s hard-won foreign exchange to

imports of consumer goods, with serious detriment to

industrial development and the execution of other projects

crucial to my country’s social and economic progress.

80. Obviously, Peru does not claim that the norms it has

laid down to defend its own marine resources are the same

for all States. The law must always be adapted to reality

and if geographical, like economic and social features, differ

from one continent to the other and even within the same

continent, it is both logical and necessary that the laws

regulating them must also differ.

81. There are countries which, in order to exploit the vast

wealth of the sea-bed adjacent to their coasts, have also

extended their jurisdiction beyond the traditional limits of

their territorial waters to the edge of the continental shelf.

Surely such a right can hardly be denied to those States

whose continental shelf is minimal or almost non-existent

but which have the same, if not greater need, to preserve

and utilize the living resources of the waters adjacent to

their territory.

82. It must also be borne in mind that the measures

adopted in this matter do not preclude foreign ships from

fishing in the region under the jurisdiction of the coastal

State, nor in any way limit freedom of navigation on the

seas. They merely establish the usual regulations enabling

fishing vessels to carry on their activities, without inadmissible depredations, and even to make use of port facilities

on the same conditions as national vessels.

83. In claiming for the coastal State the rights of

sovereignty, jurisdiction and control over the sea adjacent

to its coasts to the extent necessary for the protection of

marine resources, we have no intention of creating disorder

or anarchy in the oceans, as has sometimes been said. What

we do wish to set up is a more equitable system that would

be based on modern scientific and juridical concepts and

would be deeply rooted in the social and economic needs of

under-developed peoples—a system, in short, that would

not be governed by political or military considerations or

by powerful economic interests, which largely determined

most of the rules of international maritime law in the past.

84. We trust that that is how the matter will be understood

by the other States of the international community,

both by those highly developed nations which have

declared their willingness to co-operate with us in our

efforts towards progress, and by those in the process of

development, and that they will realize what this policy

means as a defence of principles and resources which are

essential in order to ensure our welfare and advancement.

85. This leads me to my next theme: the concerting of

inter-State policies as an instrument of individual and

collective progress. Although the primary and fundamental

condition for the development of each country must be its

own efforts, these are obstructed not only by internal

limitations but by the effects of other countries’ activities.

It, therefore, becomes imperative to arrange forms of joint

action with a wider perspective, which is inspired in some

cases by community of origin with other national entities

and which includes the search for economic integration as a

means of promoting common interests and effective acceleration

of development. This new system, in which

individual effort is joined with the concerted efforts of a

group of nations, is a response to one of the imperatives of

our time, which is the result of increasing interdependence

and which leads us to the creation of vast economic regions

as an indispensable requirement in order to achieve, at one

and at the same time, the progress of each of the

components and of the group as a whole.

86. Latin America has not escaped this process and has

put into operation a number of schemes for regional and

sub-regional integration, despite the enormous difficulties

due to its geography and its political, economic and social

systems. Peru is actively participating in this undertaking,

from which we expect effective benefits for the development

of the Latin American peoples, for their affirmation

of their independence and for their meaningful participation

in international relations.

87. But even were the integrationist process which we are

witnessing to be successfully completed, it would still not

suffice to fulfil Latin America’s aspirations. The continuous

widening of the scientific and technological gap between

Latin America and the developed world and the growing

imbalance in world trade make it necessary to establish new

forms of co-operation aimed at ensuring equal access by all

peoples to the benefits of progress, science and technology.

The international community has not yet succeeded in

devising a system whereby this goal could be reached. On

the contrary, a state of affairs has been brought about

which, if allowed to persist, could lead only to the

frustration of huge masses of human beings and thus

engender even greater threats to world peace and security.

88. We must point out clearly—and we do so at this

Assembly—that we envisage international co-operation as a

commitment free from all forms of intervention in the

internal or external affairs of other States and from any

encroachment on their integrity and the political, economic

and cultural elements which constitute it; that we believe

rational exploitation of national resources indispensable for

the preservation and development of each country; that we

cannot accept economic co-operation subject to political or

military conditions; that we cannot admit the use or

encouragement of measures of economic or political coercion

designed to force the sovereign will of States in order

to obtain advantages of any sort; and, finally, that we reject

the adoption, indeed the very existence, of policies, actions

or measures the mere invoking of which might threaten the

economic and social development of a country and could

lead to covert or open forms of economic aggression.

89. Only if the international community can understand

co-operation in terms of the goals of progress we have

indicated and can eliminate from its machinery any

instrument of compulsion which vitiates it, will we be able

to move forward, developed and developing nations together

in the search for better forms of coexistence that

will permit both groups to join in building a more just and

worthy life. These criteria for international co-operation

draw their inspiration from explicit Articles of the Charter

of the United Nations and of the revised Charter of the

Organization of American States.

90. In all international forums, Peru has strongly upheld

the cardinal importance of these principles and proclaimed

that only on the basis of respect for them will it be possible

to establish true, constructive and lasting co-operation.

91. The community of nations must strive to achieve

international welfare. That calls for a greater interest and a

high level of responsibility on the part of the Governments

of the wealthier countries in order to improve the lot of less

fortunate peoples. The industrialized States must recognize

the fact that today poverty in any corner of the world is a

threat to their own way of life and that, consequently, their

economic and social responsibilities cannot end at their

national frontiers.

92. The action of the great countries in regard to human

life cannot be limited solely to the formal maintenance of

peace and the protection or encouragement of limited

national interests—a concept that was stressed by President

Nixon the other day. Such an attitude is not in keeping

with the world today, which is becoming increasingly

interdependent as a result of the progress of science,

technology and communications. True security, true

guarantees of life, liberty and what is usually understood as

happiness all call for a far more responsible commitment to

the rest of the world: a commitment which means

co-operating with others to build new economic and social

institutions, new channels for a more just and equitable

distribution of wealth and to eradicate injustice, turning an

atmosphere of uncertainty into a climate of confidence and

stability.

93. I have left to the end of my statement the analysis of

my Government’s views on the most important world

problems that appear on the Assembly’s agenda. This

obviously is not because of any order of priority, but

because it was more appropriate to speak first of the

internal process taking place in my country and its obvious

consequences for foreign policy, so as to facilitate a better

understanding of what Peru believes should be done in the

matters I propose to discuss now. These matters come

under three main headings: peace and world security,

international co-operation, and human rights.

94. It has been said that, in the long run, peace and and

security in the world will be feasible only when all peoples

understand that we are members of the same family — that

of the human race — and that we must act as such within an

order that does not admit of hegemonies or subjugations

and far less of injustice, but calls for wide and lasting

co-operation in the solution of the problems of all, so that

individual efforts will be harmonized, complemented and

multiplied in the pursuit of a common objective—the

solidarity of all men and the full realization of their

aspirations to a worthy, secure and happy life.

95. We share those ideals and we are also convinced of the

need to strengthen the authority of the United Nations,

whose principles must be observed and whose resolutions

must be complied with, since this is the only possible

guarantee of world peace and security.

96. But the daily facts of the world in which we live show

how naive it would be to expect progress along that road as

long as States fail to co-operate effectively in uprooting the

very causes of international unrest, that is, the economic

and social conditions to which we have so often referred.

Unless these conditions are given preferential and adequate

attention, political and juridical measures alone will always

be insufficient and a makeshift.

97. At the same time, it is necessary to eliminate other

factors which darken the world picture and which are the

result of present-day antagonisms. Of these, the most

distressing are the conflicts that still afflict the peoples of

the Far East and Africa. Although these are not on the

agenda of the present session of the Assembly, they call for

special mention, because they are a stigma on mankind, and

the parties concerned must exhaust every possible means of

putting an end to the unjust and futile sacrifice of

thousands of human lives, which far outweigh in value the

interests involved.

98. The situation in the Middle East heads the list of

problems submitted for our consideration. In this, as in

other fields, compliance with United Nations resolutions is

essential, as are also mutual respect among States, the

cessation of all hostilities, the search for a peaceful

settlement, the abandonment of all expansionist aims or

religious wars and the duty to adjust national will to the

imperatives of human rights, without which the just and

lasting peace we all desire cannot be obtained.

99. In the peaceful settlement of disputes, the experience

of the American nations offers unquestionably valuable

instances of the effectiveness of the regional agreements

provided for in the Charter of the United Nations. The

world has recently witnessed an example of how the

American system, acting with the assurance and speed born

of the vitality of its own institutions and buttressed by the

moral elements inherent in the peaceful spirit of its peoples,

put an end to a sad conflict between two sister nations.

100. Together with the elimination of war as a means of

settling disputes, equal importance must be given to the

questions of general and complete disarmament, the suspension

of nuclear tests, the elimination of chemical and

bacteriological weapons, and the allocation of the enormous sums

still spent in those fields to other activities such

as the use of nuclear energy and outer space for peaceful

purposes, matters on which extensive reports have been

submitted to the Assembly for consideration.

101. The recent entry into force of the Treaty of

Tlatelolco on the denuclearization of Latin America is a

new proof given by our countries of their will to co-operate

in bringing peace to the world without renouncing their

legitimate and urgent aspirations regarding the use of

nuclear technology for the benefit of their economic and

scientific progress.

102. Other problems involving injustice and increasing

danger for States are those relating to their national unity.

These problems cannot be postponed indefinitely and

suitable procedures must be devised so that peoples which

are now divided may achieve their long-desired unification.

103. Finally, in this section on peace, I must refer to the

flagrant incongruity of the existence, in these days, of

peoples subjected to colonial régimes. Like all those

countries which waged a hard battle for their political

independence and whose concept of the world is based on

principles of Christian inspirations, Peru rejects any sort of

colonialism. It is high time for those Powers, to whose care

the administration of Non-Self-Governing Territories was

entrusted, to adapt their practice to the mandate from the

United Nations, and, respecting the just aspirations of those

peoples, their cultural identity and the principle of

self-determination, to ensure their social and economic

advancement and assist them effectively in learning to govern

themselves. Any other interpretation of their mandate is a

distortion of the obligation contracted with the world

organization, and puts at risk the objectives of peace and

security, which we are all concerned with preserving.

104. In the second part of this statement, when referring

to the bases of Peru’s foreign policy, I spoke of the

principles which my country believes should govern relations

among States in regard to international co-operation.

In the light of the present world picture, the priority

purpose of this co-operation is, undoubtedly, to combat

under-development, and this has been clearly recognized at

meetings at various levels such as those of CECLA, ECLA,

IA-ECOSOC and UNIDO, which have all agreed on the need

to reshape the present system of economic relations

between the industrialized and the developing countries.

105. We must admit, however, that the results at the end

of the First United Nations Development Decade are very

meagre. We trust that the proposals on global strategy

formulated by the Preparatory Committee for the Second

United Nations Development Decade will receive the full

support of the more advanced nations, without whose

decision to co-operate these proposals will remain a dead

letter.

106. In the field of financial co-operation, we find that

the developing countries are obtaining external financing

under increasingly adverse conditions. This affects their

foreign currency reserves, which are needed to maintain an

adequate rate of importation of capital goods. An end

must, therefore, be put to the "spiral of indebtedness"

which militates against our economic growth and any

improvement in our levels of living.

107. it is ironic to note that, in the final analysis, the

so-called under-developed nations are acting as exporters of

capital to the regions that are more advanced and have a

greater accumulation of wealth, as a result of the servicing

of foreign debts and remittances abroad from foreign

investments.

108. We recognize the need for the participation of

foreign capital; we acknowledge its interest in obtaining

reasonable profits and we guarantee the stability of its

operations; but an analysis of the methods with which it

has been working convinces us of the need to search for

new arrangements compatible with local priorities, so that

such investments may contribute effectively to the mobilization

of internal resources, to the generation of national

savings and to an improvement in the technological level of

our countries.

109. Such objectives are consistent with a realistic policy

of structural transformation such as that which is being

carried out by the Government of Peru, and which

supersedes and sets aside the purely economic concept that

growth is the first and fundamental step towards development.

110. Yet although the Peruvian revolution intends to

create the internal conditions for a self-sustaining development,

we believe that, on account of the characteristics of

our country and its previous history, foreign trade must be

the primary source of the external financial resources we

require in order to achieve our objectives, A restructuring

and expansion of international trade is therefore essential,

since it is inadmissible that at present we should have to

export twice as much in order to acquire the same quantity

of goods as we were able to purchase in past decades.

111. We find, however, an indifference to this situation on

the part of the industrialized world, an indifference which

has now become traditional. One of the major obstacles to

an increase in the third world’s foreign trade is the obvious

lack of political will and action to comply with the terms of

international agreements.

112. I wish to avail myself of this opportunity in order to

stress the need for the industrialized countries to revise

their tariff and customs policies so as to eliminate the

discriminatory treatment suffered by our manufactures and

semi-manufactures, as well as the non-tariff obstacles which

hamper the marketing of our basic commodities. When we

also consider the policy of encouraging the uneconomic

production of items which could not otherwise compete

successfully with ours, we find evidence of a serious

distortion in international trade.

113. On the other hand, variations in the demand for

primary commodities leads to violent fluctuations in export

prices and a progressive deterioration in our terms of trade

and, consequently, in our import capacity.

114. We ask, therefore, among other things, for compliance with international agreements relating to price stability, for effective functioning of consultation machinery on the rational disposal of surpluses and strategic reserves, and for the implementation of a

non-discriminatory and non-reciprocal system of general preferences.

115. Finally, we must point out that the gap between the

developed and developing nations is widening with the

technological advance being made in the industrialized

countries. Greater co-operation is, therefore, needed in the

creation and adaptation of technological processes that will

ensure the maximum utilization of the resources of the

developing countries. Unfortunately, the great technological

innovations of the past decade have invariably been

aimed at economizing on labour. What we in the underdeveloped

countries need are innovations which, while enabling us to

save capital, also allow us to utilize our labour force to

the fullest possible extent.

116. Among the programmes which my Government is

following with special interest I must single out the one

concerning the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and the ocean

floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national

jurisdiction.

117. We believe that the United Nations, acting as it were

as a trustee of the destinies of mankind, should consider

this question with all due prudence and care. Its task is

doubly difficult, not only because it is a question of

establishing norms to govern an environment that is new to

international law, but also because such norms will affect

an extraordinary source of wealth, on which the developing

countries are pinning fully justified hopes.

118. In this field the United Nations has an unprecedented

opportunity of ensuring that the exploration and exploitation

of the sea-bed and ocean floor are reserved exclusively

for peaceful purposes, thus preventing them from becoming

a subject of conflict among the great Powers, with

consequent danger to world peace.

119. In the face of disputes among States, man, who, both

individually and as a member of communities, has now

virtually become a subject of international law, is to an

increasing extent playing the part of a protagonist of

solutions and to a decreasing extent that of a victim. The

effort to base justice and the peace of nations on the

welfare of man constitutes one of the most urgent and

critical tasks of our time.

120. When we consider that barely a century ago there

were laws permitting slavery, we realize how slow progress

has been towards recognizing the dignity of the human

being as such, despite the philosophical and religious

principles that had been proclaimed many centuries earlier.

Today no one any longer denies that human welfare

requires the conquest of freedom, not only in its political

sense but also in the sense of the liberation of man from his

harshest oppressors: poverty, disease and ignorance; and

that this welfare also requires the achievement of equality,

expressed by the same rights and obligations for all,

regardless of sex, race, religion or class.

121. These rights are no longer merely the guarantees

granted to its citizens by the liberal State, vigilant of its

own order; they have acquired a new value: they are

essentials for the dignity of the human being. Rights

representing the protection of man against arbitrary power

have been succeeded by rights representing a claim to a

genuinely human existence.

122. These principles have been proclaimed by the peoples

of the United Nations and by regional communities in

declarations of human rights which, undoubtedly, constitute

the finest and most complete ethical and juridical

achievements of our century. They have inspired the

constitutions of various countries, they have served as

guidance for numerous laws and have encouraged the hopes

of millions of human beings.

123. However, it must be admitted that the initial progress

that has been achieved has not yet been followed by full

practical implementation. Alongside United Nations initiatives

in the field of human rights, there exist discriminatory

practices such as apartheid, and racial and religious intolerance,

which are repugnant to the conscience of the world. In addition to internal efforts to put an end to these erroneous practices, it appears necessary to strengthen the authority of the recommendations of our world Organization and the machinery for their implementation.

124. Those of us who call ourselves civilized countries can

hardly watch with indifference the infringement of the

rights of certain groups living in subjection to those who

wield power. But here again, the task is a complex one, for

good intentions, mere condemnations and theoretical

recommendations are not enough, unless they are accompanied,

and in many cases preceded, by other forms of international

co-operation to assist countries in solving their

problems which, in the ultimate analysis, are always those of

their peoples.

125. In many States, the recognition of the right to life,

which is the foundation of all other rights, does not go

beyond a literary exercise, while infant mortality and

endemic diseases continue to decimate the population. The

same is true of recognition of the right to freedom from

servitude, while poverty-stricken majorities still remain

under the domination of privileged minorities that assume

political power to be one of their prerogatives; of the right

to property, while great masses cannot accumulate savings

since they are scarcely able to earn enough to live on, and

of the right to education and culture, while ignorance

prevails and illiteracy rates are very high.

126. For these reasons, in the countries that are struggling

towards development, human rights will be every day

realities when the necessary environment of well-being has

been created so that men can achieve them and live with

them, and learn to defend them.

127. In concluding this review of the domestic and

external efforts being made by the Government of Peru to

ensure the prosperity of its people and contribute to the

establishment of a system of solidarity among all the

countries of the world, I must once again repeat that the

problem of development has ceased to be a particular

interest of national Governments and has become one of

the thorniest problems in international relations. It is

imperative, therefore, that the industrialized countries

should recognize their responsibility in the present situation

and assume the consequent obligations. For our part, we

are doing our utmost and making all the changes needed to

achieve development, convinced as we are that development

must essentially be the result of our own efforts. What

causes us concern, however, is to find ourselves confronted

by vacillating attitudes, if not by abstention or even

indifference, on the part of those more advanced than

we are.

128. Co-operation given to societies during a period of

transition to promote their economic and social development

is not just charity; it is an indispensable mutual

guarantee for the achievement of political security and,

consequently, for the maintenance of international order.

129. What we envisage is not a way of life imposed upon

us, but rather a world in which men can live together in

dignity and justice, with freedom of thought and action,

and with respect for the sovereignty of each and every

country; a world in which every nation can freely develop

its own system in its own particular way. We believe that

these aims should inspire the efforts of this Organization

and that they provide more than sufficient reason for

carrying on the struggle to the point of sacrifice, if

necessary. Living as we do in a period which is neither

peace nor war, there must be firm determination, dedication

and the will to work together, so that ultimately we

shall be nations united in the common task of ensuring the

welfare of all the people in the world.