Nepal, 1969

130. Madam President, I

should like, first of all, to convey the greetings and good

wishes of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Mahendra, for

the success of this session of the General Assembly. While

we mourn the untimely death of your predecessor, the late

Mr. Emilio Arenales, Foreign Minister of Guatemala, we are

very happy to see you elected President of the twenty-fourth

session of the General Assembly. Your country has

been in the forefront of the fight for the freedom and

independence of peoples everywhere. We have great admiration

for your personal qualities and, above all, for your

refreshing candour. Those qualities, together with your vast

experience with the work of the United Nations, will serve

you in good stead in your high office. My delegation wishes

you success, and pledges its whole-hearted co-operation in

your task.

131. I would also take this opportunity to express our

deep appreciation of the sincere and honest efforts of the

Secretary-General, who has striven to realize the ideal of

peace and justice in the relations among the nations of the

world. His response to different challenging situations has

always reflected the basic principles of this Organization,

and that is a very difficult role to play.

132. We can well recall today the wide and varied nature

of the world problems which have tested the strength of

this Organization. Some of the problems have appeared

dangerous enough to create a panic all over the world.

Despite all the achievements to the credit of this Organization,

such problems have stressed the need for it to play a

more effective role. Every problem that the United Nations

has not been able to solve admonishes all of us to

contribute our maximum understanding and co-operation

to it. All of us know that the world was compelled to have

a United Nations Organization for safeguarding certain

international values so as to ensure a peace based on justice.

We were determined then not to allow another calamitous

war to shatter all the dreams of civilized man. Whether it be

on the question of disarmament or the Middle East crisis,

this Organization demands the co-operation of its Members

to implement the principles inherent in its Charter and its

commitment to peace. It requires more from those who are

more advantageously placed in terms of strength and resources.

133. Our faith in the United Nations is very strong,

because, in the words of His Majesty King Mahendra, we

believe that: “The only real alternative to the United

Nations is an ever more powerful United Nations”. We feel

that this is the only body which can bring peace and

harmony to our world of nations; big and small, strong and

weak, developed and developing. Each nation should be

allowed to follow its own path of development, without

any political or economic interference from outside.

Land-locked as we are between two populous and big neighbours,

we have evolved our own Panchayat system of Government

under the able leadership of our King. Peaceful co-existence

among nations, big and small — or among developed and

developing nations — is as essential to us as to any other

small country in our situation.

134. It is in the necessity for peaceful coexistence among

nations and the necessity to maintain the diversity of paths

followed by different nations, and, above all, to ensure a

stable and peaceful development in the world, that the

United Nations has to be more creative and effective. We

have a deep-rooted faith in the United Nations, for which

my country has worked and will continue to work honestly

to implement the noble principles of the Charter.

135. The world today is witnessing many changes. Emerging

nations are striving hard to stand on their own; they are

yearning for world peace in order to achieve sufficient and

uninterrupted economic development. Developments in

science and technology are bringing all of us closer every

day. The improvement in relations between the United

States and the Soviet Union is very promising, as it helps to

relax the tension of the so-called cold war. But there are

yet problems which await solutions. The situation in

Viet-Nam still remains a source of serious concern to all of

us, Of course, the cessation of the bombing of North

Viet-Nam and the recent withdrawal of some American

troops from South Viet-Nam are commendable steps

towards a peaceful settlement. We sincerely hope that other

similar and adequate measures will follow. It is gratifying to

note that the parties concerned are more anxious for a

political solution of the problem than for a military one.

136. My delegation wants to reiterate that the people of

Viet-Nam should be allowed to exercise their legitimate

right of shaping their own future without any interference

from outside. Our appeal to all parties concerned is to settle

the conflict in the spirit of the Geneva Agreement of 1954,

which, we feel, provides an appropriate basis for the

solution. As we see it, the unnecessary interference by

outside Powers has resulted only in an inhuman massacre of

the Viet-Namese people, who have long suffered with

courage and dignity. Peace should be restored to their land

as early as possible. My delegation hopes that the participants

in the Paris peace talks will display the necessary

foresight and statesmanship in their efforts at finding a

solution acceptable to all concerned.

137. My delegation realizes the highly inflammable nature

of the confrontation in the Middle East. We have always

stood for a peaceful solution of the problem, and have

always opposed the escalation of the conflict by the

supplying of arms by the big Powers. We fully realize the

danger of changing the territorial status of the area by force

of arms, which cannot be justified even under the pretext

of the self-preservation of a country. Such pretexts can

only bring chaos to international relations.

138. We stand committed to Security Council resolution

242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, which, I am sure,

provides a sound basis for the establishment of peace in the

region. It is a pity that that resolution could not be

enforced even after a lapse of nearly two years. We feel it is

vital for peace in the Middle East that Israel should

withdraw from the Arab lands it has occupied, as it is

essential for the Arab States to be reconciled to the

existence of Israel; that, we understand, is the meaning of

the Security Council resolution.

139. Any permanent solution of the problem should be

aimed at creating an atmosphere in which all the countries

of that region may live peacefully without apprehension of

aggression from any quarter. The Arab-Israel dispute, as all

of us are aware, has been fanned by a mutual suspicion and

hatred of more than two decades. A lasting peace requires

elimination of such fears and suspicions, and recognition of

the right of each State to live within secure and recognized

boundaries. This right has been guaranteed by the Charter

of the United Nations.

140. Despite several consultations among the four Powers,

there has been no improvement in the situation which has

not only remained as explosive as ever but also, in the

words of the Secretary-General, the past year has seen the

highest level of armed conflict in the area since June 1967.

It is a matter of the deepest concern to all of us, who

earnestly feel that the situation should not be allowed to

get out of control. My delegation sincerely hopes that the

consultations among the four Powers, within and outside

the United Nations, will lead to the implementation of

Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November

1967. The four Powers, as permanent members of the

Security Council, have a special responsibility for the

establishment of peace in that region. In the meantime, we

fervently appeal to all the parties to the conflict to exercise

the utmost restraint in order not to engage in violent

activities that may reduce the possibility of reaching a

satisfactory settlement.

141. The November resolution provides a sound basis, and

the most acceptable, for a just and lasting peace in the area.

The Secretary-General’s Special Representative is engaged

in seeking a common agreement with the parties to the

dispute regarding the implementation of the provisions of

the Security Council resolution. While the importance of

the task entrusted to the Special Representative cannot be

underemphasized, we realize, and hope that the parties have

realized, that his role is necessarily limited to assisting the

peace efforts of the parties themselves and that, therefore,

it is up to them and them alone to bring about a political

settlement by peaceful means.

142. A very disheartening feature in the Middle East has

been the danger to the lives and security of the United

Nations military observers posted there. The Secretary-General

has rightly observed that they had become defenceless

targets in a shooting gallery and had even hinted at the

possibility of withdrawing them. My delegation hopes that

the parties to the dispute will realize the importance of the

role of the United Nations observers and take sufficient

precautions against risking their lives and security.

143. The peace-keeping role of the United Nations has

always been useful as it has contributed, in so many

previous instances, to stopping further escalation of the

conflict, if not its total elimination. It is but natural that we

cannot expect the peace-keeping forces of the United

Nations to achieve complete success if the parties themselves

will not permit it. Nevertheless, their usefulness in

supervising a cease-fire or maintaining the status quo,

pending a satisfactory solution, cannot be underrated. This

peace-keeping role of the United Nations has assumed great

importance, specially for the smaller nations. My delegation

hopes that the constitutional and financial crises confronting

the United Nations will be resolved in this spirit.

144. The past year has also been unproductive in the field

of disarmament. A matter of regret in this connexion is the

failure of the major nuclear Powers to enter into bilateral

discussions on the limitation and reduction of offensive

strategic nuclear-weapons delivery systems and systems of

defence against ballistic missiles, which were promised at

the time of the signing of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation

of Nuclear Weapons on 1 July 1968 [see resolution 2373 (XXII)].

145. The present decade has witnessed significant measures

of non-armament such as the Treaty Banning Nuclear

Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under

Water, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons, the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities

of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space,

including the Moon and other Celestial Bodies [see resolution

2222(XXI)] and the Treaty for the Prohibition of

Nuclear Weapons in Latin America [see resolution

2286 (XXII)]. Each of these measures has provided a good

Start. Nevertheless, a long journey is still before us and we

will reach our final objective only when we have general

and complete disarmament. Only after that will we be able

to use Our great asset, nuclear energy, for creative and

peaceful purposes.

146. However, despite all this progress, the spectre of a

nuclear holocaust is ever present, haunting us with the

threat of the complete destruction of civilization. At the

beginning of this decade, the total expenditure for military

purposes amounted to about 100 thousand million dollars;

today, it is estimated at about 200 thousand million dollars.

147. It is self-evident that the balance between the two

largest military Powers, the United States and the Soviet

Union, is a stabilizing factor in the world today. This

balance provides the most effective deterrent against

temptation for attack against each other. In this situation,

we would have thought that the best course of action for

these Powers would be to freeze the balance and then

reduce it gradually to a lower level, instead of acquiring

more and more sophisticated offensive and defensive

weapons systems, out of an unreal sense of fear and

insecurity. It is up to these two Powers to ease the situation

by halting the mad armaments race thus releasing the vast

resources that are now spent on armaments and using them

instead for the Security and economic and social progress

and the well-being of the entire world, in particular, the

developing parts of it. It is up to the nuclear Powers to take

the load. In this connexion, my delegation supports the

proposal made by the Secretary-General [A/7601/Add. 1,

para. 42] to designate the decade of the 1970s as the

Disarmament Decade, a decade which has already been

named the Second United Nations Development Decade.

148. All the measures that have already been adopted in

the field of disarmament will not mean much if they are

not followed by other similar measures. A comprehensive

nuclear test-ban treaty will indeed be a great step towards

our cherished goal. Only a lack of will on the part of the

nuclear Powers Stands in the way of this treaty.

149. The Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States has

made several deliberations on the subject of disarmament.

It has gone a long way towards enlightening world public

Opinion on the question of disarmament. The various

opinions expressed in the Conference as well as its

resolutions are worth serious consideration. My delegation

strongly holds that a world disarmament conference,

consisting of both the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers,

would prove extremely useful and would be a constructive

step towards our goal. There are countries which are fully

capable of manufacturing nuclear weapons and there are

those which neither possess nor are likely to possess such

weapons. Such a conference, attended by all the countries

of the world, would provide a forum for comprehensive

deliberations on different aspects of the problem. We hope

that the subject will receive serious consideration from the

big Powers. Mankind today is looking to the big Powers in

the hope that they will engage not in the nuclear arms race

but in the more constructive purpose of improving the

economic situation of those who are in need of it.

150. The question of universal and total disarmament and

Other relevant questions can never be effectively settled

without the participation of the People’s Republic of

China, which is a nuclear Power in its own right. The

restoration of the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic

of China in this world body is absolutely essential for world

peace, and, in fact, the application of the principle of the

Charter demands it. This world body will always be lacking

in the universal character of its membership if the most

populous country on earth is left out of it. We cannot

ignore the reality that the People’s Republic of China has

exercised its authority effectively for a long time and has

made remarkable economic progress. It is entitled to be

properly represented in this world body as the only

legitimate Government of China.

151. It is obvious that without its participation any

measure to promote international co-operation and

strengthen international security will be incomplete and the

role of the United Nations as an effective instrument of

peace, as conceived by its founders, will continue to be

severely limited. Especially, the maintenance of peace and

stability in the world, and in Asia in particular, demands

that the People’s Republic of China should be allowed to

participate in this Organization without any delay. My

delegation once again appeals to all delegations to consider

this question most objectively.

152. During the past year, the chronic problems of

colonialism and racialism, particularly in southern Africa,

have persisted as stubbornly as before. In the words of the

Secretary-General, this year has been mainly one of

continuing disappointment and frustration. The struggle for

independence by the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and

the so-called Portuguese Guinea continues to meet the most

ruthless suppression at the hands of the colonial rulers. The

colonial rulers have ignored the realities of today’s world

and forgotten the lesson from history that the spirit of

freedom cannot be suppressed forever by brutal force.

153. The racist or apartheid policy followed by South

Africa has been a constant challenge to the ideals enshrined

in the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights. The policy of segregation based on colour, to which

South Africa clings, is an anachronism in the modern world

and is against the dignity of man everywhere. Unfortunately,

a concerted action by all the countries of the world,

particularly in co-operation with some big Powers, is yet

lacking. Our ideals have been sacrificed to the interest of

trade by some countries, and this has helped the South

African Government to remain adamant. We hope that such

wrongs will be corrected by complete implementation of

United Nations resolutions for a boycott of trade with that

country. The international trading community should have

no dealing with that régime as long as it does not give up its

inhuman policy of apartheid and racism.

154. The South African regime with its continued defiance

of the United Nations has been occupying South

West Africa. This retrograde action should not be allowed

to continue any longer. We welcome the Security Council

resolution [269 (1969)] warning South Africa that the

Security Council will have to take further strong measures

in case it does not vacate South West Africa. We hope that

the big Powers which have been entrusted with special

responsibility by the Charter will take every possible step to

ensure that the expressed wish of the United Nations is respected.

155. Encouraged by the failure of the United Nations to

eliminate racism, the white rulers of Southern Rhodesia

have proved themselves as adamant in defying civilized

human values as their South African counterparts. By

openly challenging the administering Authority and by

defying the United Nations, they are trying to present a fait

accompli to the world. Sanctions have failed so far to

persuade them to adopt a sensible policy in the interest of

the people. It is the primary responsibility of the British

Government to see that all Rhodesians are allowed to

participate freely in the administration of their country on

the basis of the well known democratic principle of one

man, one vote.

156. Nepal has always stood against colonialism and racial

discrimination, whatever their forms. In this spirit we have

supported measures by the Security Council and by the

General Assembly which are directed against those, who

not only seek to degrade human values through colonial

exploitation or other similar means, but also adopt a policy

of active hostility against the United Nations.

157. The most alarming feature of the modern world is

the continuing economic disparity between the developed

and the developing countries. The first and second sessions

of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

have examined this problem in its proper dimension

and have suggested measures to be undertaken by the

developed and the developing countries. Unfortunately,

co-operation has been found wanting in various fields of

trade and development. The manufactured or semi-manufactured

articles of the developing countries have not

found their way to the markets of developed countries. In a

situation like this, the less developed of the developing

countries have been confronted with even greater difficulties.

The traditional pattern of exporting raw materials

and importing manufactured items on very unfavourable

terms is still a fact of life in a developing country like

Nepal, and it cannot be oriented otherwise unless liberal

measures are pursued by the developed countries for the

import of finished or semi-finished goods from the developing

countries.

158. As a developing country, Nepal is very much concerned

with the prevailing situation. A land-locked country,

its difficulties are far greater than is commonly understood.

In the last few years we have been striving, to the best of

our ability, to diversify our trade; we are trying to create an

economic infrastructure and we have begun a modest

venture in the field of industrialization. In these circumstances,

the task before us is to arrive at a sustained

economic development by gradually changing the pattern

of trade with our neighbours in particular and with other

countries of the world in general.

159. The Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked

States has already come into force. We welcomed it as a

positive step towards increasing international collaboration

in so far as it tried to facilitate the trade and transit of the

land-locked countries. Unfortunately, some of the coastal

and transit countries have not yet found it possible to

accede to the convention. Nepal feels that the convention

should serve as a basis for any sort of bilateral agreement

designed to improve the present position. It is, in our view,

of utmost importance that the developing countries should

establish an increasing measure of goodwill and co-operation

among themselves if they aspire to greater understanding

and goodwill from the developed countries.

160. The First United Nations Development Decade is

nearly over. The average rate of growth in the developing

countries could not attain the modest target of 5 per cent,

which is very disappointing. The strategy of the Second

United Nations Development Decade will, it is hoped, take

into account the causes of the failure of the first one and

will focus on concrete measures to facilitate the commitments

of the developed countries in this respect. Nonetheless,

a positive response on the part of the developed

countries is highly necessary to make a success of the

Second United Nations Development Decade.

161. The social and economic inequalities among developed

and developing nations, as well as within both

categories of these nations, portend dangerous consequences

for all of us. Prompt action in the way of removing

such inequalities is extremely necessary to ensure a smooth

and orderly evolution towards a fuller and richer life.

162. In this age, when man has landed on the moon,

highlighting the tremendous progress in science and technology

and turning into reality the long cherished dream of

mankind, it is all the more necessary for us to be more and

more concerned about the growing inequalities in the

standards of living of peoples on this earth. Efforts

undertaken by both developed and developing countries

towards the achievement of a minimum living standard in

the developing world, which comprises two thirds of the

global population, have proved utterly inadequate during

the First United Nations Development Decade. A most

disheartening feature in this connexion has been the

weakening of public support for international aid by the

aid-giving countries, particularly the richest ones.

163. The Secretary-General has repeatedly drawn our

attention to the widening development gap and appealed

for a sincere willingness on our part, particularly on the

part of the developed countries, to tackle the problem with

a sufficient sense of urgency. In his address of 9 May 1969

at the opening session of the Conference on the Second

United Nations Development Decade: “A Challenge for

Rich and Poor Countries“, U Thant said:

“Members of the United Nations have perhaps ten years

left in which to subordinate their ancient quarrels and

launch a global partnership to curb the arms race, to

improve the human environment, to defuse the

population explosion, and to supply the required

momentum to world development efforts”

164. In our efforts to save world peace and build a happier

and fuller society on earth, time is not on our side. It is

running out. The Secretary-General’s introduction to his

annual report depicts a very sombre picture of the world

situation and the state of affairs of the United Nations.

Whether in regard to the situation in the Middle East, the

financial state of the Organization, the field of disarmament,

decolonization or the field of social and economic

development—in other words, in every conceivable field of

important activities of the United Nations—the Secretary-General

has been constrained to report little or no progress at all.

165. Next year we shall be celebrating the twenty-fifth

anniversary of the United Nations. This anniversary

coincides with the beginning of the Second United Nations

Development Decade and, if the Assembly so decides, the

beginning of the Disarmament Decade as well. There will be

no better way to celebrate these momentous events than by

rising above narrow selfish interests and dedicating

ourselves anew to the purposes of the United Nations — to

maintain world peace and security, to develop friendly

relations among nations and to achieve international

co-operation in the solution of international problems of an

economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character.