Norway, 1982

At the outset, Sir, I wish to congratulate you on

your election to the high office of President of

the General Assembly.

21. During the last few years we have

witnessed a serious deterioration in the

international political climate. The tensions

between East and West are particularly serious

since the East-West relationship still plays the

dominant role in shaping international relations.

But crises have emerged also in other regions and

with grave consequences.

3l. However promising the possibilities may be

for modem man to create positive conditions of

life, we must nevertheless acknowledge that we

have still failed to deal with many of the

world's major challenges of today in the

political, economic and military fields. The most

disturbing development is the increasing tendency

to resort to the use of force in international

relations. Events in Lebanon, in Afghanistan and

in the Falkland Islands are clear examples of

this.

52. When conflicts between nations create

threats to international peace and security we

need international mechanisms which can intervene

to stop the escalation of such conflicts into

open war. We need organs which can promote

peaceful political settlements of disputes. The

United Nations was established to serve these

purposes. However, the United Nations is not

always used in the way intended under the

Charter; and when it is used; we have seen that

its demands, calls, recommendations and

resolutions are not heeded.

53. This development harms both the United

Nations and its Member States. Norway has always

regarded the United Nations as the cornerstone of

its foreign policy and we therefore regret this

development. In his annual report on the work of

the Organization the Secretary-General highlights

just this situation. We greatly appreciate his

open, frank and constructive presentation of the

problems.

54. The Charter has invested the bodies of

the United Nations with clearly defined and well-

balanced responsibilities for independent action.

It is up to us, the States Members of the United

Nations, to make constructive use of the

mechanisms provided for in the Charter in order

to further the common causes of the world

community.

55. Over the years we have witnessed a

disturbing tendency to use the Organization for

political prop¬aganda and condemnations rather

than for seeking realistic and constructive

solutions to the problems before us. Member

States ought to consider whether this is

compatible with our desire to develop the United

Nations into an instrument for the settlement of

disputes and the maintenance of international

peace and security.

56. In his report the Secretary-General draws

our attention to the same problem by stating that

public debate, which often can become rhetorical

and con¬frontational, is in itself not enough and

cannot be a substitute for serious negotiations.

He has also put forward a number of proposals on

how we should tackle the problems now facing the

Organization. I would in particular mention the

following proposals.

57. The Secretary-General proposes, as an

important first step, a conscious recommitment by

Governments to the Charter. In response to this I

hereby reaffirm Norway's commitment.

58. The Secretary-General asks us to

reconstruct the concept of collective action for

peace and security within the framework of the

Charter. The Norwegian Government agrees with him

and we are prepared to co-operate with him in

investigating ways and means of achieving this

urgent goal.

59. The Secretary-General comments on the

Security Council and suggests that the Council

should keep an active watch on dangerous

situations and if necessary initiate discussions

with the parties involved before they reach the

point of crisis. We support a more forthright

role for the Secretary-General within the

framework of Article 99 of the Charter in

bringing potentially dangerous situations to the

attention of the Council. We find his suggestion

for developing a wider and more systematic

capacity for fact-finding in potential conflict

areas very useful and we look forward to a discussion

on how this capacity could be strengthened.

60. The Secretary-General also comments on

peace¬keeping operations. As a country that has

con¬tributed troops to several United Nations

forces since 1956, and is contributing to UNIFIL,

we have a direct interest in this vital aspect of

the activities of the United Nations. We

therefore strongly support the

Secretary-General's recommendation that Member

States, especially the members of the Security

Council, should now urgently study the means by

which our peace-keeping operations could be

strengthened. We are not convinced that an

increase in their military capacity or authority

is a viable option, but we find very interesting

the suggestion of underpinning the authority of

peace-keeping operations by some kind of

guarantees.

61. I should like to mention one last aspect

con¬cerning the role of the United Nations.

Perhaps the greatest strength of the United

Nations is embodied in its universality. Norway

has always considered the principle of

universality to be of cardinal importance for the

authority of the United Nations. We shall

con¬tinue to do so, and in this connection I

should like to stress the strong concern and

protest of my Govern¬ment concerning the vote in

the General Conference of IAEA on 24 September^

not to accept the credentials of the Israeli

delegation. Such moves will inevitably have

negative repercussions for the whole climate

within the United Nations system.

62. The reaction in Norway to the recent

reports of the massacre of Palestinian

refugees—children, women and men—in Beirut has

been one of shock and revul¬sion. My Government

fully associates itself with the international

condemnation of this massacre. Such a cruel act

is a clear demonstration of how far the

antagonisms and hatred have developed between the

different groups in the area. This act shows us

more clearly than ever the urgent need for

national recon-ciliation in Lebanon and a

comprehensive and Listing solution to the Middle

East conflict in general. In the present

circumstances we know this is extremely

difficult. It can be possible only if all parties

con¬cerned are willing to show moderation and act

in a spirit of compromise.

63. Norway fully supports all the Security

Council resolutions adopted on the crisis in

Lebanon during recent months. We urge all parties

to respect the national sovereignty and

territorial integrity of Lebanon.

64. We also recognize the legitimate concern

for the security of the State of Israel. The

events that took place prior to 6 June this year

did not, however, justify the massive Israeli

invasion that followed. All States in the area,

Israel as well as its neighbours must have the

right to live in peace within secure and

recognized boundaries. There can be no just and

durable solution to the Middle East conflict

unless this principle is fully respected.

65. The implementation of the national rights

of the Palestinian people, including its right to

self- determination, is of equal importance. This

implies Israel's withdrawal from territories

occupied in 1967. It also implies that

representatives of the Palestinian people should

participate in negotiations on the solu¬tion of

the Palestinian problem in all its aspects. The

procedure for the realization of Palestinian

self- determination should be established through

such negotiations.

66. In spite of the tragic events of the last

few weeks we have noted some encouraging signs of

a positive development towards a peaceful and

com¬prehensive solution to the conflict. The plan

outlined by the President of the United States on

I September for a more general settlement of the

Middle East problem, and in particular the

Palestinian question, has been welcomed by Norway

as a significant and important contribution to

the peace process. The agreement at the resumed

Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez earlier

this month on a number of principles for the

solution of the crisis strengthens our conviction

that serious efforts are being undertaken to try

to solve the conflict in the Middle East.

67. There are several other pressing international problems on our agenda.

68. In Namibia, the ongoing efforts to reach

a negotiated political settlement are entering a

crucial stage. Norway strongly supports these

efforts and we sincerely hope they will succeed

so that Namibia can obtain its independence in

1933.

69. In South Africa, the inhuman system of

apartheid persists. Together with the other

Nordic countries, Norway will continue to examine

ways and means of exerting pressure on the South

African Govern¬ment so that the necessary and

inevitable changes will come about by peaceful

means.

70. In Afghanistan, the tragic war is

continuing. The Soviet Union assumes a heavy

responsibility by ignoring the clear decisions by

a vast majority in the Assembly that it should

withdraw its military forces. The Afghan people

must be granted the right to determine the future

of its country without external interference.

Norway supports the efforts by the

Secretary-General to solve this conflict.

71. In Kampuchea, the impressive humanitarian

effort of the international aid agencies, led by

UNICEF, has helped to save the Kampuchean people

from famine and starvation. The illegal

Vietnamese occupation of the country continues,

however. Norway will support resolutions and

efforts to achieve a political solution so that

the long-suffering Kampu¬chean people can finally

obtain true independence and self-determination.

72. The Norwegian delegation will express the

position of my Government on these and other

im¬portant questions on our agenda in more detail

at a later stage. I feel it necessary, however,

to make some remarks on the position of my

Government on three of the most vital questions

facing the United Nations and the international

community, namely, the problems of disarmament,

the question of human rights and the North-South

dialogue.

73. Arms control and disarmament were dealt

with extensively in the United Nations during

this year's special session. In spite of positive

results on some important issues, the second

special session on disarmament this summer did

not succeed in devel¬oping further the important

Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of

the General Assembly, the first special session

on disarmament, in 1978. However, this must not

be allowed to undermine our resolve to continue

to work for arms control and disarmament within

the global framework which the United Nations

represents.

74. Our deliberative process in the United

Nations must be realistic. We cannot force

agreement in the absence of consensus, nor must

divergent views deter us from seeking agreement.

Unless we succeed in our consensus-building here,

our ability to influence negotiations outside

this Hall will be minimal.

75. Norway attaches great importance to the

follow- up to the second special session on

disarmament. We intend to submit proposals for

the strengthening of the machinery in the

multilateral field of negotiations and research,

including a limited expansion of the Committee on

Disarmament.

76. Furthermore, Norway, together with the

other Nordic countries, would like to see

concrete action taken by the Assembly with regard

to the United Nations study on disarmament and

development.

77. Our follow-up discussions during this

session of the General Assembly must necessarily

be addressed to a broad range of issues. At this

time, however, I should like to make a few

observations regarding nuclear and conventional

weapons. Priority must be assigned to questions

related to nuclear disarmament. The prevention of

both a further vertical nuclear arms build-up and

a horizontal proliferation of such weapons is one

of the greatest challenges facing the community

of nations today, and there is a clear link

between these two tasks.

78. In this connection, the negotiations

between the United States and the Soviet Union at

Geneva on strategic nuclear weapons—the strategic

arms reduc¬tion talks—and intermediate-range

nuclear forces are of particular significance. It

is our hope and goal that the talks will lead to

substantial reductions in strategic nuclear

weapons on both sides. With regard to the

intermediate-range nuclear force negotiations,

Norway supports, as a first step, the total

elimination of American and Soviet land-based

intermediate- range missiles.

79. Progress in those talks would in our view

also provide a further incentive to our efforts

to halt the spread of nuclear weapons to other

countries. Nuclear disarmament is also closely

linked to ongoing talks regarding a future

comprehensive test-ban treaty. Norway attaches

great importance to the activities of the

Committee on Disarmament in this regard; and we

shall continue our involvement in these matters.

80. Our preoccupation with the need to hate

and reverse the nuclear arms build-up must not

make us forget developments in the conventional

field—and the increasing destructiveness of

conventional weapons. Therefore, the security

problems involve not only nuclear weapons, but

also conventional arms.

81. Real progress towards disarmament can be

achieved only through negotiations resulting in

binding and verifiable agreements. Declarations

of intent alone concerning those questions can

never be sufficient.

82. To conclude my remarks on disarmament, I

would like to point out that positive results

from these nego¬tiations could lead to a

lessening of tension in the East- West

relationship in general.

83. Since the creation of the United Nations

sub¬stantial efforts have been undertaken to

establish international instruments and norms for

the protection of human rights. The Universal

Declaration of Human Rights and the International

Covenants on Human Rights, one on civil and

political rights and the other on economic,

social and cultural rights, have become our basic

instruments. In spite of those and other

declarations, we are nevertheless confronted

almost daily with reports of gross and systematic

violations of fundamental human rights. Such

reports show that a number of Governments do not

live up to the commit¬ments and principles

embodied in those covenants and declarations. We

must also, regrettably, conclude that the

mechanisms established for the protection and

promotion of human rights are inadequate.

84. With that situation as the background, it

must be an overriding concern to ensure more

effectively each individual's enjoyment of human

rights and fundamental freedoms. This issue has

been discussed for a number of years within the

United Nations. Concrete proposals have been

submitted; the establish¬ment of a post of United

Nations high commissioner for human rights is

only one among several examples. Thus, it is not

a lack of ideas that hampers the pro¬motion of

respect for human rights, but a lack of political

will.

85. Recognizing that violations of human

rights must be regarded as an international

concern, it must also be the duty of the

international community to react to such

violations whenever they occur, regardless of the

political colour of the regime in question. The

invocation of the principle of non-interference

in internal affairs cannot be accepted as a

justification for the international community not

to act. If we do not respond similarly to

comparable violations, our credibility will be at

stake. My delegation will address itself to those

issues later in this session, in particular with

regard to the situation in Iran, where the

viola¬tions of human rights are becoming

increasingly severe through religious

persecution, torture and arbitrary executions.

86. Before concluding, I would like to

comment briefly upon the importance of the

international economic situation, in particular

the North-South dialogue.

87. One conclusion from the September meeting

of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the

World Bank in Toronto was that the world economic

situation has worsened and that the short-term

prospects for improvement are still bleak. The

low-income devel-oping countries have been

particularly hard hit by the recession in the

industrialized world. Many of the developing

countries are faced with crushing debt problems,

the ramifications of which may threaten the

stability of the international financial system.

We see increasing protectionist tendencies and a

risk of an erosion of the open international

trading system. The spectre of mass unemployment

threatens the stability and cohesion of the

international com¬munity, in particular because

of its effect on our youth.

88. At the same time, the economic and

development organizations within the United

Nations system are faced with a crisis of their

own. In a joint Nordic statement to the IMF/World

Bank meeting the crucial importance of

multilateral assistance was underlined, as well

as the necessity for donor countries at least to

keep their contributions to the present level.

It* this forum, I would in particular point to

the very difficult situation now facing UNDP. If

we do not find a rapid solution to the present

financial problems of UNDP the resulting cutbacks

in projects and assistance will have serious

repercussions on the entire United Nations

development system.

89. My Government intends to maintain an

active role in the work for a new international

economic order. We regard the concept of a new

international economic order as an effort,

through international negotiations, to achieve a

combined strategy to foster just and equitable

economic relations between rich and poor

countries. We see this as a matter of developing

mechanisms for co-operation which will enable the

international economic system to function in the

best possible way to the mutual advantage of all

parties, and in particular to the benefit of

developing countries.

90. If the present situation regarding the

North- South dialogue is allowed to persist, it

may not only have a negative impact on the

relations between the developed and developing

countries, but also further aggravate the stress

on the international economy. The Norwegian

Government still thinks that the planned round of

global negotiations represents a comprehensive

and integrated approach to the North- South

problems, and it still hopes that agreement can

be reached so that this round can be launched

during this session of the Assembly. We also

intend to take a very active part in the

preparations for the ministerial meeting of GATT

in November and for the sixth session of UNCTAD

to be held next year at Belgrade. The commitment

of Norway to the goals of international

development co-operation will also 6e evident

from the decision of my Government to main¬tain

its official development assistance at the level

of 1 per cent of its gross national product in

the years to come in spite of the economic

problems which are facing my country also.