Niger, 1995

Allow me at the outset, on behalf of my delegation, to

extend my warm congratulations to you, Sir, on your

election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the

United Nations General Assembly. Coinciding as it does

with the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the

Organization, your election is indeed evidence of the

esteem in which you and your country, Portugal, are held

by the international community. You can be assured of

the full cooperation of the delegation of Niger.

To your predecessor, Foreign Minister Amara Essy,

who has just added to his rich career the record of a job

well done here, I convey my best wishes for success in

his future activities.

In this transitional year in our Organization’s history,

I should also like to pay tribute to the Secretary-General,

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the dynamic manner in

which he is performing his duties at the head of our

Organization.

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A half century has gone by since the creation of the

United Nations at San Francisco in 1945. Hence, this year’s

session affords us a unique opportunity to recognize the

importance of the historic gesture by which the leaders of

the day created the Organization as well as to renew our

faith in the ideals and principles of the Charter, which

unquestionably stands as one of the most important

documents available to mankind for building the world of

tomorrow. For young States like Niger, which acceded to

international sovereignty 35 years ago, it would be remiss

to overlook the forceful role the United Nations has played

in the emancipation of peoples and its invaluable

contribution to the progress of mankind as a crucible of

international cooperation in the political, economic, social

and cultural spheres.

Fifty years after the creation of the United Nations the

threats created by the cold war, which long paralysed it,

have disappeared, making way for healthier and more

constructive cooperation between States. This new climate

enabled the Organization to extend, a year ago, an

emotional welcome to South Africa following its successful

victory over the system of apartheid, thus closing after

many years one of the most painful items on its agenda.

Since the Madrid Conference, the Middle East too has

moved along the irreversible path to peace, crowned by the

signature on 13 September 1993 of the Agreements on

autonomy for the Gaza Strip and Jericho.

However, this new climate has also created other kinds

of threats, threats as formidable as those of the cold-war

period and just as disturbing to the peace of many peoples.

Conflicts that intermingle nationalism, ethnic rivalries and

religious intolerance have erupted in many parts of the

world. Democracy, notwithstanding the progress it has

made, is finding it hard to take root in countries where

worsening poverty, malnutrition, disease and environmental

deterioration mete out indescribable suffering.

In other words, the global context in which the present

session of the General Assembly is meeting is far from

giving grounds for complete optimism. This session should

furnish us with an opportunity for a fruitful analysis of

ways to create a better world, a world free of such

atrocities, a world in which mankind will no longer suffer

and in which the ideals of peace, true development and

justice will prevail.

The situation of my country, Niger, like that of many

other African States, is still fraught with difficulties of all

kinds arising out of a disastrous economic environment. A

50 per cent devaluation of our currency, the CFA franc,

in January 1994 dealt a severe blow to the living standard

of the population.

The economic recovery expected as a result of this

fairly drastic monetary step has been delayed, for the

collective and uniform nature of the measure made it

unsuitable to the specific situations in the various

countries affected. Unable to count on a significant

increase in its raw-material exports, Niger has, on the

contrary, experienced an unreasonable increase in the

pressure of its external debt and the cost of imports.

Despite that, my Government, in conjunction with the

Bretton Woods institutions, has undertaken a programme

of economic structural adjustment based on a policy of

systematic restructuring of the public and semi-public

sectors combined with a balancing of macroeconomic

aggregates based on a substantial improvement in State

revenues and a reining in of public expenditure.

Politically speaking, the democratic process entered

into in 1990 is being pursued and expanded, although it

continues to experience the growing pains that accompany

any new experiment — excesses and abuses of new-found

freedoms, a tendency to civic impunity, the excessive

growth of all kinds of interest groups, special interests,

and so on. However, the existence of active trade unions,

an independent and free press and a dynamic civil society

are creating the basis for a lasting democratic structure

capable of ensuring respect for the rule of law and

contributing to the gradual growth of a democratic

culture.

After less than four years of institutionalized

democracy, Niger held elections for President and for the

Legislature. The holding of the last set of elections for the

Legislature, advanced to January 1995, was entrusted to

an independent electoral commission headed by a

magistrate and made up primarily of persons from the

Non-Governmental Organization sector, and from human

rights organizations and organizations advocating

democracy. Several international observers witnessed the

vote and all of them said that it was a model of

transparency and equity. These elections resulted in a

majority in Parliament for the opposition parties. Thus,

since that time, Niger has been living under a regime

where the presidential minority does not coincide with the

parliamentary majority. This so-called cohabitation regime

is the most delicate form of the distribution of

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constitutional powers and of relations between the different

institutions of the Republic. Despite all the difficulties

inherent in the exceptionally delicate and unprecedented

experience we are undergoing, the regular functioning of

the institutional machinery has never been found wanting.

The Supreme Court, the institution entrusted with

interpreting the Constitution and stating the law on the basis

of which the operation of the Republic’s institutions can be

ensured, has played a crucial role. Systematic reliance on

the machinery of law has been an option of principle

supported by the entire political community, which

constitutes its dedication to the rule of law and to the

stability as well as the security of the country.

It is precisely to ensure the country’s security and

stability that my Government undertook all the efforts that

finally led to the Agreement of 24 April 1995, between the

Government and the leaders of the Tuareg rebellion, joined

together in the Armed Resistance Organization. As the

Assembly knows, since 1991 there has been in the northern

part of Niger an armed rebellion claiming to represent the

Tuareg community and calling for the establishment of a

federal regime, which it believes is the only one that can

provide its people with free self-government. The

discussions undertaken with the leaders of the rebellion

constantly stressed the need to avoid useless bloodshed, and

to focus on dialogue, the major focus of which would be

the best interests of the country. Thanks to mediation

efforts by the friendly countries of Algeria, Burkina Faso

and France, to which I once again extend the gratitude of

the Nigerian people, we were able on 24 April 1995 to sign

a definitive peace agreement. That agreement, based on the

principle of respect for the constitution, which enshrines the

indivisibility of the Republic, emphasizes two main

elements: first, at the political level, the agreement

recommends the acceleration of the establishment of

decentralized structures and a consequent devolution of

administrative and political powers to those structures;

secondly, at the economic level, the agreement recommends

the implementation of a special programme of economic

and social development in the northern part of the country.

With respect to the first aspect of the commitments

undertaken in this important agreement, the responsibility

of the Government is almost exclusive. But that is not true

of the second aspect. Indeed, it is quite clear that the

motives for this rebellion, which started at the very time

when the country had embarked on the road to democracy

and institutionalization of freedoms, are primarily

economic. The northern area of Niger, after the past few

years of cyclical draught, was in a highly precarious

condition due to the upheaval of its ecosystem. Livestock

grazing became highly problematic, condemning nomadic

communities to wandering and inducing in them a feeling

of malaise, which quickly led to claims for a separate

identity. The only way to deal appropriately with this

rebellion, which is, after all, only a symptom of the real

difficulties faced by these people, is to restore hope to all

of these hard-hit regions. That is why the peace

agreement provides for the holding on 30 and

31 October 1995 of a round-table meeting involving all

the countries and institutions linked to Niger, with a view

to preparing a special development programme for the

northern area. I appeal to all those who wish to help

Niger definitively restore and consolidate peace to kindly

lend their support to this undertaking.

On the international level, the tragic conflicts in

Rwanda, Somalia, Liberia and the former Yugoslavia —

to refer only to them — bear witness eloquently to the

fragility of the international order that emerged from the

end of the cold war, and also to the inability of present

structures to provide an adequate collective response

when national stability breaks down and when the ensuing

internal conflicts give rise to unspeakable suffering.

The situation of Rwanda is among those which,

given their gravity and their undermining of the basic

principles of our Organization, deserve special attention.

My country is following with great attention the efforts

undertaken for a year now by the authorities of Rwanda

to overcome the consequences of the tragic events that

took place there and to consolidate the work for national

reconciliation and lasting peace.

The situation in Liberia, after a series of initiatives

leading to the establishment of a new Council of State,

has taken a truly positive turn. This is an opportunity for

me to extend my congratulations to the Economic

Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and to all

those whose help has been so useful, in particular

President Sani Abacha of Nigeria and President Rawlings

of Ghana. I wish to congratulate the people of Liberia on

their courage and encourage them to persevere on the

path of peace and hope that they have paid so dear a

price to find again.

In Angola, Niger is following closely the progress

achieved along the path to peace and we congratulate

President Dos Santos and Mr. Savimbi. Niger is following

with the same attention the developing situation in

Western Sahara and we deplore the slow pace of the

process for the restoration of peace there.

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With regard to the sanctions imposed on Libya by the

Security Council, Niger believes that the constructive

proposals made by the authorities of that country constitute

a serious basis for a resolution of this crisis, whose

consequences are so burdensome to the Libyan population

and to neighbouring countries such as Niger.

Outside of our continent, Niger welcomed the signing

on 13 September 1993 in Washington of the Agreements

between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel

envisaging autonomy for the Gaza Strip and Jericho. The

ensuing dynamic led — after very hard work — to a

significant breakthrough with the signing of the Agreement

on 28 September 1995 in Washington which extends

autonomy to the West Bank.

The long tragedy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a

Member State of the United Nations, gives rise to many

questions about the capacity of our Organization to ensure

respect even for its principles. The Muslim population of

that country has suffered too much from the inconsistencies,

improvisations and hesitations of the international

community, while the Bosnian Serbs, grand masters of

fait accompli politics, have been allowed to calmly continue

their abominable practice of “ethnic cleansing”, calling

seriously into question the sovereignty and territorial

integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Niger welcomed the military pressure exercised upon

the Serbs by our Organization and the North Atlantic Treaty

Organization last September, and we warmly welcome the

latest peace initiatives led by the United States of America

with a view to the return of peace to that region. We hope

that this great stride will provide a basis for bringing about

just and lasting peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Fifty years after its creation, the United Nations must

strengthen its mission of promoting dialogue and

cooperation between peoples. It must, even more than in

the past, work to limit tensions as far as possible, and to

settle conflicts when they erupt but, in particular, to prevent

situations that could threaten international peace and

security.

In this spirit, in this special year in the life of our

common Organization and in accordance with the principle

of universality enshrined in Article 4 of the Charter, Niger

has advocated the establishment of an ad hoc committee to

look into the question of the representation of Taiwan.

The end of the cold war has not helped to shield the

world from the emergence of local conflicts any more than

it has made it possible to remove the heavy burden

weighing on mankind as a result of the stockpiling and

improvement of weapons. However, it is now an

established fact that disarmament and the non-

proliferation of weapons of mass destruction have a

pivotal role to play in preventing conflicts and promoting

peace and social and economic development. For this

reason, we can congratulate ourselves on the results of the

1995 Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to

the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

This Conference, in addition to agreeing on an indefinite

extension of the Treaty, agreed that a comprehensive

nuclear test-ban treaty would be concluded in 1996 at the

latest. Niger wishes to reaffirm its deep desire to see the

negotiations now under way lead to the conclusion of a

treaty that comprehensively bans nuclear tests, that is

universal and that can be effectively monitored.

Our attempts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear,

chemical and biological weapons should not make us lose

sight of the threat of conventional weapons and the need

to control them.

Niger is pleased to applaud here Mali’s initiative

which this year led the Secretary-General of our

Organization to dispatch a mission to the subregion of

West Africa to assess the negative impact of the illicit

circulation of small arms upon the States of the

subregion. We support the recommendations made by the

Secretary-General following that mission and we retain

the hope that the international community, which gave

massive support to the relevant resolution, will give the

backing that is indispensable for the implementation of

these recommendations.

In recent years, our Organization has invested

heavily in conflict prevention and management. Many

resources and a great deal of time have been devoted to

this area, sometimes to the detriment of development

measures. My delegation, however, remains convinced

that there is no greater threat to peace than the current

stalemate in dialogue between rich and poor countries and

the widening of the various inequalities that have ensued.

This session is taking place at a time when the world

economic situation is riven by deep-seated imbalances.

Although some regions have seen considerable progress,

in other regions delays are becoming worse every year,

sometimes leading to unprecedented crises. The poorest

countries seem to have been left on the sidelines of the

progress that the world economy has enjoyed. In some

countries the very structures of the State have fallen into

13

complete disrepair and populations have been plunged into

the deepest distress. Poverty, hunger and illiteracy plague

more than one-fifth of the world’s population and in many

parts of the world the situation is becoming dangerously

worse.

The African continent is requesting, as a priority and

urgently, the solidarity of the international community. The

weaknesses of its structures persist and frequently grow

worse. The current improvement in growth rates are still

too weak to compensate for 15 years of economic decline.

Economic performances are disappointing even in countries

that have undertaken considerable reform.

Despite the international community’s commitments in

the framework of major conferences and summits of every

kind, flows of official development assistance are falling off

every year. At a time when developing countries need it

most to support their reforms, official development

assistance has fallen drastically and the general malaise

surrounding this assistance, christened “donor fatigue”, is

growing worse and worse.

My country regrets that not even the Economic and

Social Council high level segment on the development of

Africa, including the implementation of the United Nations

New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s,

nor the Mid-Term Global Review of the Implementation of

the Programme of Action for the Least Developed

Countries for the 1990s which has just ended, has made it

possible for the international community to arrive at a set

of concrete measures that can reverse this trend by creating

conditions for sustained and lasting economic recovery and

development in the poorest countries.

The silent crisis of poverty, disease and illiteracy

should inspire the international community to tackle the

roots of the evil by adopting a preventive and more

consistent approach to the resolution of these problems. The

roots of the problem include the burden of external debt

which continues to hamper the development efforts of

developing countries. Although we recognize the efforts to

reschedule and write off debt under the Naples Terms, we

must point out that this is not enough.

Donor countries are fully aware that they, along with

the multilateral financial institutions, are the main creditors

of our countries and that a large part of the debt servicing

they finance simply returns to their treasuries and those of

multilateral institutions.

Financial flows on favourable terms are not usually

enough to make up the financing deficit of poor countries.

Comprehensive and lasting solutions are needed if

problems are to be solved once and for all.

The radical structural reforms that developing

countries, especially the least developed among them,

have undertaken in their economies have proved to be

very costly in social and political terms and have not been

given sufficient support by the international community.

Although structural adjustment remains indispensable to

remedy serious economic imbalances, the needs and

priorities of the poorest and most vulnerable people

should not be neglected. Adjustment and transformation

must be designed to improve the well-being of

populations. There is good reason to encourage in practice

Governments to persevere, but they must also be helped

to attenuate the severe impact of such reforms. The

struggle against poverty was one of the principal topics of

the World Summit for Social Development in

Copenhagen last March. The international community

made courageous commitments, which we welcome, in

particular the commitment to supply the financial

resources necessary for integrated strategies to combat

poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. We remain

hopeful that these commitments will be translated into

action and initiatives at both the national and international

levels.

The Fourth World Conference on Women that has

just recently ended in Beijing is also a landmark of our

time in so far as the international community reaffirmed

there the importance of the role of women, the main actor

in and beneficiary of development, and committed itself

to devoting greater resources to improving the status of

women and their access to the political and economic life

of our countries.

The Agenda for Development, which is now being

drafted and unanimously heralded as complementing the

“Agenda for Peace” should provide the international

community with a new opportunity, in addition to just

reaffirming principles, to focus on producing resources

commensurate with the task of implementing concrete

development initiatives.

A whole series of world conferences in recent years

has enabled us to forge a new vision of global

development and to define the measures needed to turn

that vision into reality. The international community must

urgently give tangible proof of its commitment to

progress along the path it has chosen.

14

Any delay can only make the remedy that much more

difficult and costly. The commemoration of the fiftieth

anniversary of the United Nations, marking a half-century

of the existence of our Organization, is highly symbolic and

we would be ill advised not to make judicious use of these

symbols. This is such a rare occasion that I believe we

must take advantage of it.