Myanmar, 1982

It is my privilege to extend to Mr. Hollai the

warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma

on his unanimous election to his high office and

to assure him of our support and co-operation in

the discharge of his responsibilities. We are

most fortunate in having the advantage of his

wisdom and expended, and we are confident that he

will guide the deliberations of the Assembly with

the tenacity and resourcefulness which the

numerous tasks before us require. Next we wish to

express our deep appreciation to the former

President, Mr. Kittani, for the distinguished

manner in which he conducted the proceedings of

the last session of the Assembly and his vigorous

efforts to bring it to a successful conclusion.

165. The international climate in which the

Assembly is meeting is rife with tensions and

acute world problems. From whatever angle the

present world situation is viewed, there is no

denying that we are facing a time of serious

upheavals in almost all spheres of international

relations. The disconcerting features are evident

in the political overtones of the declining trend

and the rising tensions in great-Power relations;

in the economic overtones of a deepening world

recession, with conflicting interests ensuing

among nations in racial cleavage and the revival

of old historical quarrels in regional

relationships; and the increasing acts of

terrorism afflicting human life and international

order. Taken together, these adverse

manifestations potentially endanger international

peace, stability and security.

166. The bewildering complexity of issues

burdening the world of today are mirrored in the

variety of agenda items to which the Assembly

will direct itself. Some of the most important

issues have been with us for many years and have

become aggravated with the passage of time. The

United Nations today faces far more intractable

challenges than could ever have been foreseen at

the time of its founding. The concomitant

increase in the number of conferences•, bodies

and institutions is also straining the human and

financial capacity of the Organization. The

dilemma besetting the Assembly is how to

reconcile the ever widening scope of activities

and responses demanded of the Organization with

an annual budget that must be kept within the

financial limits of what the membership as a

whole can reasonably be expected to accept and to

bear.

167. The delegation of Burma does not propose to

dwell at length on the host of issues before the

General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session.

We shall focus our attention on the principal

political and economic questions which we

consider to be the current realities of the

highly difficult and dangerous world situation in

which we live.

168. The international quest for disarmament is

still an unfulfilled aspiration of the world

community. Paradoxically, while there is now a

swelling international drive for disarmament, the

arms race has surged ahead on a scale unknown

before, increasing the already enormous outlays

for destructive purposes. Whatever the

circumstances, the crucial problem of how to

bring about disarmament remains. To our

understanding, there are only two ways of

achieving disarmament-by mutual agreement or by

unilateral action. But the present policy of

positions of strength and its reliance on

superior destructive power as the ultimate

deciding factor constitutes a psychological

road-block to both processes. We say this because

if one adversary decides to arm heavily the other

will invariably do likewise. Thus weapons

themselves add to fear and mistrust and become

the greatest obstacle to any headway on

disarmament and arms control.

169. All this leads one to conclude that

there are dim prospects of success for agreement

unless a suit-able atmosphere of confidence and

trust can be nurtured to bring about enough

mutual understanding to enable both sides to make

the requisite concessions and compromises.

170. The central arms-control doctrine being

exercised today is that of stabilized nuclear

deterrence, where each side refrains from attack

for fear of mutual annihilation. Deterrence has

its use thus far prevented the outbreak of

another world war. However, stabilized deterrence

will not stop the arms race. Mutual effort to

maintain deterrence leads to a steady spread of

nuclear weapons. International tension and fear

remain high without the prospect of disarmament.

171. Clearly, this is not compatible with the

universal view that there is an urgent need to

find a solution to the dilemma of nuclear

weapons. Unless things take a more sensible turn,

it seems that man is doomed to live in harrowing

uncertainty as to what the future will bring.

Thus, the status quo is not only not good enough.

it cannot in fact endure, for the human system

cannot for long put up with the persistent,

constant pressure which the status quo imposes

upon it.

172. It is self-evident to all that no one can

expect to win the arms race. As we see it, the

only sensible recourse for those engaged in that

perilous venture is to call for a halt and decide

to agree on a sequence of processes leading to

reduction of their nuclear arsenals. In order to

mitigate the danger of a nuclear war erupting,

either by miscalculation or by accident. we hope

that the two leading nuclear Powers will sustain

the recent resumption of their bilateral con(acts

on strategic nuclear arms and assert sufficient

political wi1l to ensure the success of their

discussions. Divergences may be very sharp at

present, but there can be no progress anywhere on

the arms control front until the two leading

nuclear Powers agree on what to do about their

strategic arms.

173. As rapidly as the situation permits, those

bearing the main responsibility for the arms race

must begin the critical transition from

deterrence to disarmament, for it soon may be

beyond the reach of efforts to initiate the

process. The main ground for advocating this is

that, ultimately, it offers the only hope of the

continuance of human survival.

174. Developments in the Middle East this year

took a dramatic turn for the worse. Tension

sharpened and escalated fighting led to direct

military intervention in Lebanon. The policy and

practice of sending a punitive expedition of such

formidable strength can only be deplored. The

action constitutes a flagrant violation of the

sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon

and is yet another example of the use and abuse

of force. It is abundantly clear that such

actions are completely at variance with the norms

of conduct in international relations and cannot

augur well for the future. The position of the

delegation of Burma remains one of serious

concern.

175. Nobody who has followed the situation in

Lebanon could fail to be shaken by the

remorseless violence, the heavy toll in human

lives and the suffering that resulted from the

recent conflict in that country. The general

contours of the Middle East situation may have

changed somewhat, but that does not alter the

fact that there is an urgent need for an overall

settlement in the region. It is equally clear

that the prospects for peace in the Middle East

are not likely to become brighter until the

Palestinian question is resolved to the

satisfaction of all concerned. It accounts for

virtually all the problems of the Middle East and

will remain a weight on the world's con-science.

176. At this point, I should like to reiterate

the support of the delegation of Burma for the

sovereignty, territorial integrity and political

independence of Lebanon within its

internationally recognized boundaries and for the

full implementation of all Security Council

resolutions in that regard.

177. As we see it, the two problems-that of

the Middle East and that of Palestine-are

inextricably intertwined. Consequently, any

search for a political settlement must

necessarily encompass both questions, rather than

dealing with one to the neglect of the other.

This means that only the method of seeking a

comprehensive solution with the full association

of all interested parties can lead to the

possibility of achieving a durable peace in the

Middle East.

178. The Assembly has been struggling with the

Middle East and Palestinian questions for many,

many years. The main obstacle to the resolution

of the many issues involved is the extreme

antagonism of the parties concerned and the

refusal of either party-Israel or the

Palestinians-to recognize each other's existence

and to acknowledge the mutual right to statehood.

This is making very difficult any constructive

and fruitful negotiations towards a solution that

would be in the interest of all parties

concerned, for lasting peace in the Middle East.

The positions of the parties to the conflict

being what they are at present-implacable

hostility on the one side and impetuous

belligerence on the other there are few signs of

any willingness by either side to be the first to

break the impasse. We take the view that there is

no option but for the parties to coexist. That

cannot happen without a change of heart on the

part of all those at present involved.

179. The delegation of Burma does not

under-estimate the highly emotional and complex

political questions of the Middle East. None the

less, we are of the view that this long-standing

conflict cannot be settled by force, but only by

negotiations. Realism demands that the parties to

the conflict learn to put up with each other, for

there is no other way to make relations more

humane, more peaceful and more secure. The road

of negotiations may be a long and tedious one.

Given the will, however, there is no problem in

the world, no matter how intractable, which

cannot be solved by negotiations and without loss

of honour by either side.

180. The world community became seized of the

issues of Kampuchea and Afghanistan at the

beginning of the 1980s. The unresolved situations

in both countries continue to undermine the

development of good-neighbourly and co-operative

relations in their respective re2ions.

181. The delegation of Burma has had occasion

at previous sessions of the General Assembly to

voice its regret and deep concern over the

occurrence of armed intervention, which obviously

cannot be justified or condoned, in both

situations. Our approach to both situations and

to their solution is based on our firm and

consistent support for the principles of

the Charter of the United Nations, which upholds

in unequivocal terms respect for the sovereignty,

territorial integrity and political independence

of States as cardinal principles to be

scrupulously observed in international relations

among States. The Charter outlaws the threat or

use of force in inter-national relations in any

manner inconsistent with the purposes of the

United Nations. It strictly enjoins all States to

settle their international disputes by peaceful

means and to refrain from intervening in any

manner whatsoever in matters within the

juris-diction of any State.

182. Burma believes that only scrupulous

respect for those principles by all States, both

in word and deed, would make it possible to

promote the progressive establishment of and

universal respect for the rule of law.

183. Any violation of those principles,

directly or indirectly, in whatever guise or

under whatever pretext, deals a grievous blow to

mankind's hope for a peaceful and just world

order. By the same token, whenever and wherever a

Power-big or small-resorts to armed force in

contravention of those principles, the inevitable

result is their serious weakening and erosion,

creating conditions with far-reaching

implications which are of concern to all

countries everywhere.

184. It was in this spirit that the delegation of

Burma gave its support to the resolutions of the

General Assembly which called for the withdrawal

'or' 'all foreign troops from Kampuchea and

Afghanistan and for" strict observance by outside

Powers of the principles of non-interference and

non-intervention. All those conditions are

necessary to enable the peoples of Kampuchea and

Afghanistan freely to exercise their will and

determine their own destiny.

185. As the internal and external

circumstances in Kampuchea and Afghanistan

develop, we hope that the leaders of those

countries will be able to master their conflicts

and to find a peaceful way to a political

solution and national reconciliation.

186. The independence of Namibia,

envisaged in Security Council resolution .435

.(1978), is long over-due. Since the United

Nations plan embodied in the resolution had the

acceptance, in principle, of all parties to the

dispute, we believed that Namibia's struggle for

freedom had entered its final stage. But over the

following years the pathway to Namibia's

independence meandered between hope and

frustration, the principal obstacle being South

Africa's attitude of intransigence. Meanwhile,

South Africa's escalation of military activities

against the front-line States has only added to

the political impasse and the worsening situation

in southern Africa. The latest reports on

continuing efforts at negotiations indicate that

there are somewhat improved prospects for a

Namibian settlement. We hope that that

improvement will continue and not break down as

in the past. Until a definite date is fixed for

the implementation

of resolution 435 (1978) the outlook for

Namibia's independence will continue to remain

highly uncertain.

181. The delegation of Burma reaffirms its

support for the Namibian people's inalienable

right to freedom, independence and territorial

integrity, including Walvls Bay, under the

leadership of SWAPO. We look for-ward to the

implementation at the earliest opportunity of the

United Nations plan granting Namibian

independence.

188. We welcome the adoption by the Third United

Nations Conference on the Law• of the Sea of the

United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea6

which establishes an international regime on an

aspects of the uses of the sea. The major portion

of the rules have long been applied in practice

as norms of customary law and have acquired full

validity with the new Convention. It is a package

arrived at by carefully balanced and painful

compromises, over nine years of hard work and

highly complex negotiations, in order to achieve

wide acceptance. To allow it to go overboard

would mean that no order would prevail on the

seas and that a universally acceptable

modification would never again be attainable.

189. International relations as a whole are

exacerbated as a result of the prolonged crisis

in the world economy. The forecasts made by the

primary financial and trade organizations of the

world are not at all encouraging. They foretell

an ever widening gap between rich and poor

nations resulting from the slackening of economic

growth, lessening cash aid flows for development,

declining world trade resulting from

protectionism, and prolonged monetary

instability. Both inflation and unemployment have

become priority issues to be grappled with before

the world can be pulled out of the present

crisis. In facing up the situation the best

intentions and the most dedicated efforts of us

can be frustrated if we do not succeed in

overcoming these economic setbacks afflicting the

world economy.

190. The consequences of the disarray" in the

World economy are being felt in all sectors of

international economic life. No country is immune

from their disruptive effects. The impact upon

the developed countries has taken the form of

slower growth, widening payments deficits and

rising inflation and unemployment rates. These

countries are tending increasingly to solve their

problems by way of protectionism, reducing their

payments deficits and tightening money policies

to arrest inflation. We would hope that, in

putting their economies in order, the developed

countries would d\l so with as little harm to the

developing countries as possible. .

191. Apart from encountering the same

problems, the developing countries are faced

with worsening terms of trade, declining demand

for primary commodities and mounting debt burdens

caused by rising interest rates.

192. All of this indicates that there is a

complex interplay of economic forces influencing

both developed and developing countries. The

conclusion would be that the problems of the

world economy and of the international economic

relations are common problems which require joint

action by developed and developing countries.

Clearly, the situation calls for an untiring

effort to work out a basis of co-operation.

Reconciling the conflicting needs and desires of

the minority, developed countries, and the

majority, developing countries, will also call

for much tolerance and good will. As we see it,

there is no other way. In the con-temporary world

economic development has become a matter for

international co-operation and this requires a

meeting of minds between countries in all stages

of development.

193. Another requirement is that of solvil1g

certain structural discrepancies in the world

economy. so that it can result in a more rational

and equitable economic system than the present

one. It is a path we had hoped could be begun

with the launching of global negotiations, to put

relations between developed and developing

countries on anew, constructive foundation that

would be realistic, equitable and lasting. That

this has not yet taken place is a matter of

consider-able disappointment for the developing

world. Such a process could only begin if all

sides could be influenced to adopt a less rigid

attitude and to come together in a spirit of

mutual need and mutual responsibility.

194. The delegation of Burma believes that the

path of confrontation) or negotiations rooted in

any adversary psychosis, cannot lead us out of

the present uncertainty and impasse.

Statesmanship of the highest order, good will,

reasonableness;" and, above •an., realism on all

sides are required for the building of bridges

towards global negotiations. The world's economic

problems are of a structural nature and can,

therefore, only be resolved within the entirety

of international economic relations.

195. We make these comments simply by way of

emphasizing what seem to us to be the salient

features of the current world situation and its

problems. There is no doubt that international

relations in their-entirety are in deep crisis."

We express the hope that this session will prove

fruitful and will signify an important step

towards forward movement on many of the issues

which have been at a standstill. The bounden duty

of us all is to meet this challenge.