Malta, 1969

55. On behalf of the

Government of Malta I wish to associate myself with

previous speakers in extending sincere congratulations to

the President on her election to the presidency of this

Assembly. It is an honour which she highly deserves. I also

venture to express the hope that during her tenure of office

a more positive and constructive contribution will be made

to the vital work of this Organization.

56. I should also like to express my sincere regret over the

death of our former President, Mr. Arenales, who so ably

presided over the last session of this Assembly.

57. The problems that this Assembly will be considering

during the current session are many and varied. In dealing

with them, however, the Assembly has one aim: the pursuit

of peace and stability and, as a corollary, the promotion of

the economic and social progress of all mankind which is

essential for the maintenance of international peace and security.

58. I propose to touch mainly on the subjects more

closely related to those objectives. Representatives will find

in my statement repetition of what has been said before.

Are not the problems facing us today virtually the same as

those that beset man in his persistent search for peace and

justice? Those problems may have increased in magnitude

and complexity and they are certainly brought home to us

more vividly and more painfully than before; but in essence

they remain the same. What is even worse is that the

remedies are as elusive as ever. There may perhaps be today

a more general awareness of the causes behind this unrest in

the world at large, and the terrifying weapons man has

created have made us more appreciative of the need to steer

away from the precipice we could be heading for. We have

done little to turn that realization into positive action.

59. The war in Viet-Nam continues; in the Middle East

hardly a day passes without the cease-fire being violated;

the death rate in Nigeria shows no signs of abating; the

integrity of smaller nations is trampled upon with impunity.

While the old problems remain unresolved and fester,

new tensions arise and develop in the framework of a world

divided into highly armed military blocs.

60. In the field of economic and social advancement our

record is hardly any better. It is enough to say that we still

witness a world in which two thirds of the population is

destitute and underfed, in which thousands are dying daily

of starvation and malnutrition and where efforts to

introduce greater equity between nation and nation have

not yet achieved the success essential for the maintenance

of peace.

61. It is for those reasons that from the very beginning of

our participation in the work of this Organization we have,

with others, sought to make a particular contribution to the

solution of problems relating to disarmament and have

striven to help to find means of increasing the sources of

development capital for the advancement of the poorer

areas of the world. Indeed these two objectives are closely

interrelated: for, as is known, the national resources applied

to the production of armaments could well be directed

towards the relief of poverty and the raising of the living

standards of all men.

62. The achievements in the field of disarmament are

regrettably conspicuous by their inadequacy. A number of

resolutions have largely gone unheeded; the Conference of

the Committee on Disarmament, now enlarged, has made

no significant progress during the eight years of its

existence; indeed there may be some doubt about the value

of this Committee as a mechanism for the conduct of

disarmament: negotiations in the future. The Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution

2373 (XXII)] has, up to now, simply frozen the membership

of the nuclear club and left vertical proliferation undisturbed.

63. The non-proliferation Treaty — which was never intended

to be, and could not be, an end in itself — cannot in

reality have much appeal to non-nuclear States, particularly

those that have achieved nuclear-weapon capability, unless

it is followed by greater efforts on the part of the nuclear

Powers to reach agreement on effective measures for

nuclear disarmament as well as for general disarmament. No

State can be expected to rely indefinitely on other States

for its security; the more so since the nuclear Powers are

also the major conventional weapons States. Guarantees

cannot therefore be confined to nuclear weapons but must

comprise assurances in regard to any kind of military force.

The evidence at the moment is that no agreement between

the super-Powers and within the nuclear club is yet in sight,

and the position of mainland China tends to complicate

matters still further. In these circumstances one cannot but

urge a more earnest effort on the part of the major Powers

to discuss and to reach agreement on the underlying

political questions which are a determinant cause both of

the nuclear arms race and of the arms races among

non-nuclear-weapon States.

64. A comprehensive test-ban treaty remains for us, as it

does for others, a matter of first priority. We note,

however, that discussions on nuclear arms control have

tended to be overshadowed by the attention which is now

being devoted to chemical and biological weapons. Chemical

and biological weapons are in a sense potentially more

dangerous than nuclear weapons. As the Secretary-General

said in his very useful report on the subject:

“they do not require the enormous expenditure of

financial and scientific resources that are required for

nuclear weapons .. . [because] they can be manufactured

quite cheaply, quickly and. secretly in small laboratories

or factories”.

“The danger of the proliferation of this class of

weapons applies as much to the developing as it does to

developed countries.”

In their report, the consultant experts have added this

ominous warning:

“Were these weapons ever to be used on a large scale in

war, no one could predict how enduring the effects would

be and how they would affect the structure of society

and the environment in which we live.“

65. It is with some not unjustifiable pride that I recall that

my country was among the first to bring this matter to the

attention of the United Nations in 1967. We are happy that

our modest effort has borne some fruit and we welcome the

draft Convention presented by the United Kingdom to the

Conference of the Committee on Disarmament as a

preliminary step in dealing with a very difficult and

complex problem. We have also noted with interest the far

more ambitious draft [see A/7655] presented to this

Assembly by the Soviet Union which, in our view, has some

unfortunate omissions. At the appropriate time we hope to

venture some friendly suggestions on this subject.

66. While disarmament negotiations are proceeding laboriously

in Geneva, we are becoming increasingly perturbed

by the development of new dimensions in technology

which are permitting new dimensions in the arms race — I

refer here to the progress being made in the development of

radiological weapons.

67. At the same time, of more immediate concern

perhaps, in the field of conventional arms the problems are

becoming more difficult to solve. Particularly disturbing is

the unrestricted traffic in conventional but highly sophisticated

arms and their supply to political friends. As a result,

regional or limited wars not only flare up with disheartening

regularity but take on proportions they could never

have reached without outside support.

68. The conflict in the Middle East is but one painful

example. The confrontation in that highly sensitive area of

the world has assumed an extremely dangerous pattern; and

major Powers are not entirely blameless. We are in fact

witnessing a state of affairs in which great Powers are

becoming more deeply involved and which could escalate

into a potentially catastrophic struggle for strategic and

political advantage. We cannot but hope that those same

Powers will apply their best efforts to ensure that good

counsel will prevail.

69. It is our firm belief that the sale of armaments

generally should be drastically reduced; and we again urge

as a first step an initiative designed to elaborate a

comprehensive and fair system effectively to publicize the

transfer of arms between States. If the extent of the trade

in armaments were brought out into the open it could have

the salutary effect of limiting, and indirectly controlling,

this always dangerous traffic which becomes an even greater

menace when poor countries are used as a dumping ground

for the obsolescent but still sophisticated arms of big Powers.

70. The call for disarmament will remain a cry in the

wilderness until the conditions are such that large-scale

reductions in arms are not only desirable but also feasible in

the context of the world-wide balance of power. One must

assume that nuclear-weapon States would be willing to rid

themselves of the terrible and heavy burden they carry.

Mistrust continues and unequal resources and opportunities

in various fields tend to compel nations to compete with

one another for superiority in armaments. The instinctive

belief that dominance is necessary for survival still prevails,

as does the century-old way of thinking embodied in the

famous si vis pacem, para beilum philosophy. The fact that

these concepts still exist defeats the very fundamental

purpose of this Organization.

71. The restraint exercised so far is clear evidence of the

realization that the alternative is disaster. That restraint,

however, which we call coexistence, is bred from fear and

under these conditions there can be little hope of a

substantial reduction in armaments. We are of course

thankful for that restraint, and we support détente in spite

of setbacks and disappointments. Restraint based on

mutual fear, however, can never be the basis of lasting

peace. A more positive approach is required. From coexistence

we must pass to active co-operation between the

major centres of world power in reducing world tension and

in creating conditions favourable to disarmament.

72. Almost equal in importance to progress towards a

general and comprehensive disarmament programme is the

advancement of the less fortunate areas. The main causes of

world tension and unrest are the grave social and economic

inequalities that divide the world into rich and poor and

into strong and weak. This is both morally and politically

intolerable; and before these causes are eradicated man

cannot hope to live in peace.

73. It follows that disarmament would have little meaning

and would very likely remain sterile if it were not

accompanied by a wider and more equitable distribution of

wealth, by a sharing of the benefits of technological

advance and, generally, by a greater impetus to the

advancement of less developed countries. Somehow the

uncomfortably wide gap that separates the richer and more

industrialized countries from their poorer neighbours must

be narrowed and where possible bridged.

74. I need not recall this Assembly’s resolution

[1837 (XVII)] taken as far back as 1962 concerning the

conversion to peaceful needs of the resources released by

disarmament, except to add another reminder that the

resolution, not unlike many others, has remained a dead

letter. The painful truth is that the arms race, instead of

slowing down, is gradually extending to countries still in

the process of development and whose limited resources are

desperately needed for economic and social improvement.

75. In the meantime, other sources of development capital

are not being tapped. My country has drawn attention, for

instance, to the fact that the almost inexhaustible resources

of the sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction could be

exploited for the benefit of mankind.

76. This means first that the largest possible area of the

sea-bed and of the ocean floor must be reserved for

peaceful purposes; and in that connexion we are happy that

agreement on initial steps to that end has been reached

between the United States and the Soviet Union. A second

requirement is that the area beyond national jurisdiction is

defined clearly and in a way that is acceptable to the

international community. This is a matter which may take

some time but is nevertheless of great urgency. Therefore

the Maltese delegation will introduce during the course of

this session a proposal which, it is hoped, will set in motion

the process of clarification of the definition of the legal

continental shelf. Finally, an effective international machinery

is necessary to administer the sea-bed beyond national

jurisdiction in the interest of all and equitably to distribute

the benefit obtained from exploitation.

77. While I am naturally gratified by the interest shown

and the steps already taken by the Organization in this

field, I cannot conceal my concern that, while we are still

discussing general principles, technology is advancing rapidly

and actions are being taken by individual States which

are encroaching on what legitimately should belong to all mankind.

78. As matters stand, however, few resources are likely to

be released by disarmament in the immediate future, nor

will any benefit be available to mankind from the exploitation

of the resources of the sea-bed until the international

community has reached a decision on a régime applicable to

this area. In this situation international assistance derived

from the foreign aid budgets of donor countries, supplemented

by private investment, must continue to be the

main source of external assistance to developing countries.

79. As the representative of a recipient country I wish to

express the gratitude of my people for the technical and

preinvestment assistance we are receiving. This has contributed

in no small measure to the progress registered in Malta

since the attainment of independence five years ago.

Viewing the matter in its wider perspective, I must in

fairness confess that I am not satisfied with the record so

far achieved by the United Nations. The goal set for the

first United Nations Development Decade, namely, an

over-all 5 per cent rate of growth of the national income of

developing countries, has not been attained. International

aid has remained practically static despite the increased per

capita income of developed countries and is in most cases

still short of the proposed level of 1 per cent of their gross

national product. The expectations that had been entertained

when the first development programme was inrugurated

in 1960 have gradually changed to disenchantment.

80. The flow of international aid depends to a large extent

on the response of the donor countries; the application of a

substantial part of those resources, however, is a matter for

which this Organization is responsible. Mindful of the fact

that international aid will for some time remain the main

source of external assistance to developing countries and of

the unlikelihood that the size of that aid will expand

appreciably, this Organization must make greater efforts to

ensure that the limited resources available should reach the

recipient countries untouched by excessive overhead costs

and be utilized by those countries to their fullest possible

advantage.

81. Of the many activities of the United Nations family

the promotion of economic and social advancement has

been the most rewarding. The work in this field is the

strongest and most fertile link of the international system

with the realities of everyday life. The results can be felt

and seen, and much can be done despite the stagnation of

international aid. There is, however, plenty of room for

improvement, particularly in the measures to be taken to

ensure the most efficient and rational utilization of the

resources available; and it is earnestly hoped that the plans

for the Second United Nations Development Decade are

conditioned to that end and to the political realities of the world.

82. The basic objectives of the international system in the

economic and social fields have been changing over the

years; the structure of the system must obviously change to

meet present requirements and to enable the United

Nations and its specialized agencies to have a prompt,

effective and flexible response to the needs of Member

States. Should the total resources of the international

system be mobilized, break-throughs in priority areas could

be achieved. This strongly suggests the establishment of a

unified budget for the system or at least a centrally

determined level of expenditure for the system in accordance

with medium-term plans.

83. We also again urge a shifting of manpower and

financial resources from elaborate headquarters activities to

field work. Substantive activities could be made more

directly relevant to the needs of developing countries. Thus,

for example, the establishment of an international investment

promotion institute actively seeking sources of private

investment for Member States would have a practical value

superior to that of dozens of theoretical studies on ways of

making such private investment flow to those States.

84. The fragmentation of competence with regard to

several major problems between the United Nations and

many specialized agencies is a serious difficulty. It is

particularly evident in such areas as the problems of

environment and the activities conducted by the United

Nations system in the ocean. There are at least half a dozen

specialized agencies dealing at the international level with

pollution of the sea. We believe it is time means of

integrating these activities were studied.

85. Too much stress cannot be laid on the advantages for

recipient countries to rely increasingly on their own

resources for development, and available aid should mainly

be directed at a properly organized mobilization of indigenous

forces. The achievement of better results in this field

by the United Nations family, apart from the benefits that

would directly accrue to developing countries, would

encourage donor States to channel more of the limited aid

available through international institutions. This is important

for several reasons; not least of these is the release, or

at least a relief, of recipient countries from the external

political and other undue pressures that only too often

accompany bilateral aid programmes.

86. The United Nations system has rightly given considerable

attention to the problems of youth. Society however is

in constant flow, each age having its own problems. The

problems of the elderly and the aged have so far received

comparatively little attention at the international level.

Even at the national level, the needs of the elderly and the

aged and their potential contribution to their communities

and to society have often been overlooked. We are hopeful

that the United Nations will agree to the study of this

question as a basis for international action.

87. The United Nations will shortly be celebrating the

twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation. This has been a

chequered period of history: years of victory and of

rehabilitation from the effects of war; years which have

witnessed the end of colonialism and the beginning of

regional and world-wide attempts to establish a better and a

fuller life. On the debit side, we have been plagued by an

uninterrupted series of limited wars and we have lived in a

continuous state of tension under the shadow of a cold war

punctuated by crises which at times have threatened to

break out into a world holocaust. An arms race of

unprecedented proportions has been the result, and partly

the cause; vast resources which could have alleviated the

sufferings of many have instead been used to cause further

pain and death.

88. At the moment the magic word is “détente“: but we

must do a lot better than that. We must actively co-operate

in all fields of human endeavour and change restraint into

positive co-operation. In the words of our Charter we must

Strive to “live together in peace with one another as good

neighbours”. For that we need a change of heart, a change

of attitude and a change in our behaviour towards our neighbours.