Moldova, 1993

First of all, I join

previous speakers in warmly congratulating Mr. Samuel

Insanally on his election as President of the forty-eighth

session of the General Assembly, and wish him success in

performing this highly responsible function. At the same

time, I address sincere thanks to Mr. Stoyan Ganev for the

14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

competent manner in which he led this great forum during

his presidency.

I also take great pleasure in expressing my gratitude to

the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his

tireless efforts aimed at enhancing the efficiency of the

United Nations.

I take this opportunity to convey cordial congratulations

to the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic, The Former

Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Eritrea, Andorra and

Monaco on their admission to the United Nations.

Recent political developments in a number of States

and at the international level brought about the end of the

cold war, the abatement of the danger of a nuclear

catastrophe and some other positive changes. Unfortunately,

we are compelled to note at the same time the emergence of

some negative phenomena, such as disastrous regional and

inter-ethnic conflicts. The end of this century presents a

terrible picture: countries and people torn apart by fierce

fratricidal wars, towns and villages set on fire, thousands of

displaced people and refugees, innocent victims, tearful

women and children.

The serious and complicated problems of our times -

for example, those rooted in history or border disputes, and

those with ethnic and religious, political and economic,

social and spiritual origins, have generated various conflicts

with grave consequences. These problems may lead to the

outbreak of new violent confrontations in Europe that could

endanger international peace and security. Under these

circumstances, which are indisputable, the United Nations

and other international organizations, such as the Conference

on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), the North

Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Western European

Union (WEU) and the European Economic Community

(EEC) have a crucial role in stopping these unfavourable

developments by the peaceful settlement of conflicts, thus

leading to the strengthening of peace, international stability

and security.

While appreciating the European efforts to find an

adequate response to new challenges to security and stability,

both at the global and regional levels, we consider that the

role of the United Nations in this respect remains decisive.

In order to meet the new imperatives, the United Nations

ought to undergo a profound reorganization and a careful

reassessment of its means. The report of the

Secretary-General, "An Agenda for Peace", represents a

reference point in the modern history of the United Nations

and the starting-point of these necessary changes. We

welcome the continuation and broadening of the debates on

this matter.

The recent outbreak of regional conflicts - the Yugoslav

crisis in particular - reveals certain deficiencies in the

international machinery dealing with peace and security

issues, and indicates an urgent need for improvement.

The Republic of Moldova supports the reforms initiated

within the framework of the Organization and is confident

of its ability to adapt itself to the new political climate.

The appointment of an Under-Secretary-General for

Humanitarian Affairs strengthens this confidence. In our

opinion, the programme of reforms should include the

following three priorities: restructuring the Secretariat,

rationalizing the work of the Main Committees and their

working mechanisms, and reinforcing the role of the

Secretary-General in his relations with the subsidiary bodies

and specialized agencies.

I should like to point out that our delegation has been

pursuing with great interest the debates on the agenda item

entitled "Question of equitable representation on and increase

in the membership of the Security Council". We consider

that an increase in the membership of the Council aimed at

ensuring wider representation would be in full consonance

with the major changes that have occurred lately in the

international arena and would reflect to a much greater

extent the present level of democratization in international

relations. At the same time, we share the opinion that any

changes should maintain and increase the efficiency of this

vital organ of the United Nations, taking into account a

further possible recourse to the remarkable contributions by

major Powers.

Over two years have passed since the Republic of

Moldova proclaimed its independence. Our aspiration to

become a democratic State with a market economy is

absolute, notwithstanding the difficulties of transition. Our

country has taken the first steps in this direction, irreversibly

engaging itself on the path towards democracy. This

resolute choice is reflected in our endeavours to join in

international cooperation, an integral part of which is respect

for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

The Republic of Moldova has ratified the international

conventions on human rights. The Government has

consistently come out in favour of assuming new

commitments to adapt the Republic’s internal legal

framework to international standards.

Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 15

This position of principle on human rights on the part

of the Republic of Moldova was reiterated at the World

Conference on Human Rights. Unfortunately, this

constructive approach has been vehemently challenged by

the separatist forces in Transdniestra, which are being

inspired and supported from abroad. Shortly after the

proclamation of independence, the pro-imperial forces started

hostilities that resulted in great losses of innocent lives and

flagrant violations of the basic rights of the native

population, who were born and bred in areas controlled by

separatists.

The allegations by certain political forces and mass

media in the Russian Federation that the conflict is an inter-

ethnic one are simply not true. In fact, it is a political

conflict aimed at rebuilding the imperial structure. These

accusations by the pro-imperial forces are meant to lead

people to the conclusion that human rights are being violated

in the Republic of Moldova and that ethnic groups had been

subject to discrimination. In this respect, I should point out

that these accusations were not confirmed by the United

Nations and Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe (CSCE) missions that visited my country on several

occasions.

Those same accusations were the pretext for the

Russian Federation’s decision to keep up a presence by its

armed forces on my country’s territory. The conditions

imposed for the withdrawal of the Russian Fourteenth Army,

namely that special legal status must be granted to the

eastern districts of Moldova, is an attempt to keep that

geographical area - including the Republic of Moldova - in

Russia’s sphere of influence.

The presence of foreign military forces on the territory

of the Republic of Moldova is the principal source of

insecurity and instability for my country. As was so rightly

pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report on the

work of the Organization, the question of the withdrawal of

the Fourteenth Russian Army is a major stumbling-block

along the way to a settlement of the conflict.

In this context, I should like to thank the European

Community which, in their memorandum to the General

Assembly, called for an early withdrawal of foreign troops

from Moldova. In fact, the Fourteenth Army has huge

amounts of military hardware and enormous weapons

stockpiles in Transdniestra that could easily be taken over by

separatist forces: this is what happened during the escalation

of hostilities in 1992.

Moreover, many residents of the eastern districts

continue to be illegally drafted into the Fourteenth Army.

This is another example of crude interference in the internal

affairs of the Republic of Moldova, and is a serious violation

of international law.

Thus, with the political, logistic and moral support of

the Fourteenth Army, the separatist leaders are still doing

everything they can to impede the talks on a political

settlement of the conflict. This has prevented the

implementation of the Moldovan-Russian agreement of

21 July 1992 on the principles for a peaceful settlement of

the military conflict in the eastern districts of the Republic

of Moldova.

The high degree of politicization of the foreign military

forces stationed on my country’s territory and their support

for the anticonstitutional regime in Transdniestra are the

main threats to the independence, integrity and security of

the Republic of Moldova. At the same time, the presence of

a foreign army in Moldova is the major obstacle to a

peaceful settlement of the conflict in the eastern districts.

We therefore consider unacceptable the Russian Federation’s

insistent proposals for it to be entrusted with a United

Nations mandate for peace-keeping operations in conflict

zones throughout the former Soviet Union.

First, we are convinced that neither the CSCE nor the

United Nations have exhausted possibilities for solving these

regional conflicts.

Secondly, one of the basic criteria for participation in

peace-keeping operations is impartiality. In view of Russia’s

obvious interest in these zones and its insistence on

assuming the role of peace-keeper, it is clear that these

efforts are aimed at continuing and justifying its military

presence on the territories of independent and sovereign

States Members of the United Nations. Russia’s final goal

is obviously the revival of the old imperial structures with

the blessing of the international community.

The acceptance of the 14th Army’s presence on the

territory of the Republic of Moldova as a precedent will

certainly be very dangerous, not only for the territories of

the newly independent States but also for all the adjacent

areas.

The negotiations between the Governments of the

Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation - which

began last year - on settling the terms for the withdrawal of

the 14th Army have not attained any significant results. The

Russian side obstructs the negotiations and displays no

16 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

willingness to withdraw its military forces. In these

circumstances, the CSCE mission in the Republic of

Moldova suggested that it participate in these negotiations.

While the Moldovan party supported this initiative, the

Russian party rejected it on every occasion. We note with

deep concern that the constructive attitude in favour of

compromise taken by the leadership of the Republic of

Moldova is being repaid with a policy of fait accompli

meant to separate the Transdniester area from Moldova and

place a "Trojan horse" in my country.

The recent developments are relevant in this sense and

deepen this concern. General Alexandr Lebed, the

commander of the 14th Army was recently elected, with the

tacit consent of Moscow authorities, a deputy to the

so-called Supreme Soviet in the "partial elections" that took

place in the self-proclaimed "Dniester Republic". In this

way General Lebed has proved once again his lack of good

faith and his total disregard for the provisions of the

agreements signed by Presidents Mircea Snegur and Boris

Yeltsin.

The Government of the Republic of Moldova considers

that the defiant and cynical actions of General Lebed, who

is a Russian citizen and the commander of a foreign army

temporarily stationed on the territory of my country,

constitute blatant interference in the internal affairs of a

sovereign State. This action is a new attempt by certain

conservative forces in Russia to recognize de facto the

so-called Dniester Republic.

It would probably be enlightening to recall that the

self-proclaimed authorities in Transdniestria applauded with

enthusiasm the putsch against Mikhail Gorbachev in August

1991. Moreover, during the recent events in Moscow, troops

from Transdniestria were sent to the Russian capital to join

the Communist hardliners in their fight against President

Boris Yeltsin. The active participation of Transdniestrian

fighters in the Moscow rebellion was a logical consequence

of the close ties between the Tiraspol leadership and the

reactionary Russian parliament, which violated all

international norms under the false slogan of "defending the

Russians" by means of the so-called Dniester Republic and,

in practice, created a bridgehead in Moldova for the

restoration of the Soviet empire.

In this context, I should like to inform the international

community that the situation in the area of conflict continues

to be tense and is very likely to become unstable.

We have all accepted the general principle that a

foreign army cannot be stationed on the territory of another

State without the consent of the Government of the host

country. I should also like to recall the appeals contained in

the documents of the CSCE and the North Atlantic

Cooperation Council, stating the need for complete,

immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the 14th Army.

In this spirit, we urge United Nations Member States to

examine, with understanding and good will, a possible

request for the inclusion of an additional item on the agenda

of the General Assembly, on the question of the complete

withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territory of

the Republic of Moldova.

It is my belief that the same laudable solidarity

expressed by the international community with the Baltic

States is urgently needed by my country, which is prevented

from achieving real independence and pursuing its firm

choice of democracy and freedom. We reiterate our support

for resolution 47/21, on the complete withdrawal of foreign

military forces from the territories of the Baltic States, and

we welcome with great satisfaction the encouraging

achievement of the Lithuanian people, which has finally seen

its territory free of foreign troops. We deem that only the

concerted action of international bodies, especially that of

the CSCE and the United Nations, can ensure peace and

security in our region and protect the territorial integrity and

independence of the Republic of Moldova.

I wish to assure this body that my Government is fully

committed to doing its utmost to protect the rights of

Forty-eighth session - 8 October l993 17

minorities in the Republic of Moldova and is ready to

receive any international monitoring mission to ascertain the

real situation.

I cherish the hope that the fresh spirit emerging at the

United Nations will help us to identify, by consensus, the

necessary solutions for various problems the international

community is facing now. My delegation is ready to make

its contribution to the carrying out of efficient cooperation

with other Member States in order to achieve the lofty goals

of the United Nations that we are all striving for.