Morocco, 1969

1. Madam President, allow me on my own behalf and on

behalf of my Government to join previous speakers in

conveying to you our warm congratulations upon your

election as President of the United Nations General

Assembly at its twenty-fourth session. Our satisfaction is all

the greater since the unanimous confidence displayed in

you by the Assembly at a tire when the international

situation is particularly difficult and complex is not only a

well-deserved tribute to your many personal and political

qualities and to your vast experience of the problems of the

United Nations, but also an honour for your continent,

which has always fully assumed its responsibilities and

demonstrated its firm determination to work for peace and

international co-operation. I can assure you, Madam President,

that my delegation will always be very happy to

afford you its full support and collaboration in the

discharge of your high functions.

2. I should like on this same occasion to express our

sorrow and condolences in connexion with the death of

Mr. Emilio Arenales, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of

Guatemala and President of the General Assembly at its last

session. My delegation will always remember the determination

and courage displayed by Mr. Arenales when he

decided to continue in office despite the serious operation

he had to undergo in the middle of the session. We wish to

pay from this rostrum a tribute to his memory and to

express our deep sympathy to his country and his family.

3. Despite the remarkable space exploits accomplished this

year and the great promise they hold for mankind, we note

with regret that the international community is still

confronted with very serious problems. Many armed conflicts

and crises of all kinds continue to affect various

regions of the world. The General Assembly will thus have

to contend with a particularly disquieting situation and will

be called upon to discuss all the questions in dispute and to

give serious thought to appropriate solutions. We are all

aware of the obstacles in the way of attaining those

objectives, and we are all conscious that the United Nations

is today facing a severe test, in which its authority, prestige

and future are at stake. We sincerely hope that each of us

fully realizes that the United Nations is at a decisive

turning-point and that we shall take the necessary steps to

enable it finally to solve the world’s problems.

4. In our opinion, the General Assembly should devote

particular attention to the explosive situation in the Middle

East. As we all know, tension has been rising in this region

since the Zionist aggression of June 1967. For more than

two years Israel, by its daily raids against civilian targets in

neighbouring countries, has been gradually turning its

expansionist designs into deeds and its aggressive instincts

into a fixed policy. There is no need to demonstrate that its

systematic air bombardments and brutal military attacks

are, as it has carefully planned, gradually paralysing the

economy of the Arab countries, terrorizing their populations

and forcing their leaders to capitulate and accept

imposed solutions.

5. In the occupied territories, where violations of human

rights are greatly increasing, the Israeli authorities are

subjecting the population to a rule of terror. Once again the

purpose is clear: they wish to dismantle the economy of

those territories and change their specifically Arab character.

6. In Jerusalem, Israel is using the same methods with even

greater cynicism and obstinacy. It has no scruples in

proclaiming the annexation of the Arab parts of the Holy

City and in applying measures to change the City’s legal

Status, notwithstanding the repeated unanimous condemnations

of the Security Council. The burning of the Al Aqsa

mosque has confirmed, if there was any need for confirmation,

the real threat that the Zionist occupation represents

for the security and future of the Holy Places. His Majesty

the King and the Moroccan people, who were greatly

indignant when they learned of the heinous crime committed

against that holy place, have vigorously condemned

the violation of the religious rights of Moslems and

Christians in the Holy City. My Government is gratified in

this connexion to note the spontaneous expression of

support and active solidarity throughout Islam, and the

indignation aroused throughout the world by the sacrilege

of the criminal burning of the Al Aqsa mosque.

7. After this atrocious act, no attempt at propaganda by

the Israelis can conceal the reality. Pushing its arrogance

and its crimes beyond all limits, Israel still refuses to apply

the Security Council resolution of November 1967

[242 (1967)]; it is blocking the Jarring mission, preventing

agreement among the four great Powers, rejecting the

warnings and condemnations of the competent organs of

the United Nations and opposing any settlement whose

terms and conditions it has not dictated. The situation that

now prevails in the Middle East seems to us more serious

and more explosive than in June 1967.

8. In contrast with Israel’s intransigence, the Arab countries

most directly concerned are displaying great patience

and are busy seeking a solution capable of ensuring peace in

the region. Most of them have accepted the Security

Council resolution of November 1967 as a basis for settling

the conflict, even though it has been shown not to accord

with all their legitimate interests.

9. The anxiety felt for peace in the Middle East, where

there is a danger of a wider confrontation, impels the

world, which wishes to see justice done, to condemn the

Israeli aggression and to demand the restoration of the

usurped territories to the Arab peoples. It is high time,

therefore, that the United Nations also accepted its

responsibilities, since the present worsening of the crisis is

due in large measure to its failure to implement its own

resolutions. It is therefore bound to halt the Israeli

aggression and thus take up the challenge which threatens

to compromise its prestige and authority. Any negative

attitude on its part will only further encourage the Zionist

State to pursue with impunity its attacks, which are

increasingly assuming the proportions of veritable genocide.

10. My Government denounces this practice, which is

unworthy of our age, and firmly believes that the true

solution to the tragedy of the Middle East is to attack the

root causes of the problem. Refusal to recognize this reality

would only uselessly delay settlement of the crisis, which in

my Government’s view, cannot be settled fully unless the

Palestinians are closely associated with the solution. They

cannot accept indefinitely the denial of their rights and the

alienation of their personality by the presence of foreign

usurpers in their homeland. The Moroccan people salute

with admiration the heroic struggle of the Palestinians and

recognize the legitimacy of their fight for national liberation.

Henceforth, any final settlement of the problem is

inconceivable without the participation of this people,

whose rights must not be sacrificed or ignored. Thus there

can be no concrete solution to the Middle East crisis that

does not truly meet the Palestinians’ aspirations and fall

within the precise framework of the relevant United

Nations resolutions.

11. As is well known, the Moslem countries, aware of the

highly dangerous situation which threatens to engulf that

region once again and anxious to see peace restored there,

have just taken at the close of the historic Conference of

their Heads of State and Government at Rabat a series of

decisions concerning both the future of the Holy City of

Jerusalem and the situation in Palestine and the Middle

East. Or. behalf of more than 600 million Moslems, deeply

affected by the sacrilegious act that seriously damaged the

Al Aqsa mosque, the 25 Moslem States unanimously

affirmed that the continuing threats to the sanctuaries of

Islam at Jerusalem were direct consequences of the occupation

of the city by the Israeli forces. Their Governments are

equally determined to reject any solution of the Palestine

problem that would not guarantee the return of the City to

its status preceding the Israeli aggression of June 1967.

They also expressed their desire to see all Governments,

particularly those of the four great Powers, consider the

deep devotion of the faithful of Islam to the Holy City and

their solemn vow to fight for its liberation.

12. Confronted by the Middle East problem and the

steady deterioration of the situation in that region, the

Rabat summit conference also decided to launch an urgent

and anguished appeal to the international community to

make every effort to bring about the prompt withdrawal of

Israeli military forces from all the occupied territories,

pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations,

which reject any acquisition of territory by military

conquest. Having considered the Palestine tragedy, the

Conference expressed its firm determination to give its full

support to the Palestine people in its struggle for national

liberation and the restoration of its usurped rights.

13. His Majesty’s Government sincerely hopes that the

important contribution thus made by the Governments and

peoples of Islam in the search for a peaceful and equitable

solution to the problems of the Middle East will win the

widest possible measure of understanding and support from

all countries that desire to preserve peace and safeguard

security and justice in the world.

14. As in the Middle East, there has been little or no

improvement of the situation in the colonial territories of

Africa. The people of these territories continue, as in the

past, to be oppressed and to suffer harsh and implacable

foreign domination. The anachronistic policy of colonialism

and racial discrimination is one of the most flagrant

violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

and of the principles of the United Nations Charter.

15. Thus in South Africa the behaviour of the Pretoria

regime, based on a denial of racial equality, is considered so

serious as to endanger peace and security in Africa and

throughout the world. This same concern applies also to

Namibia. There too decisions taken by the Security Council

have been ignored and scorned by the Pretoria leaders; and

it is regrettable that the decisions of the United Nations

have not been backed by any effective measures.

16. In Southern Rhodesia the minority regime of Ian

Smith also continues to subject the indigenous population

to the most inhuman acts of repression and discrimination.

It is even trying to consolidate its hold by imposing on the

Zimbabwe people a regime based on an illegal and

anachronistic constitution designed to perpetuate the concept

of the racial superiority of the white minority. The

development of the situation since the Unilateral Declaration

of Independence in 1965 confirms the ineffectiveness

of the economic sanctions advocated by the United

Kingdom and approved by the United Nations.

17. In any event, the African countries must become

deeply aware of the serious threat to their sovereignty and

independence posed by the consolidation of racist minority

regimes in Africa.

18. Portugal is relentlessly pursuing its policy of occupation

and violence against the peoples of Mozambique,

Angola and Guinea (Bissau). My country has always

condemned that policy of force and deplored the assistance

which Lisbon receives from its NATO allies. Determined

action should be taken against Portugal in this connexion,

so that the principles of self-determination, freedom and

independence may be applied without delay in the Territories

under Portuguese occupation, in accordance with the

purposes and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.

19. Before concluding this sorry account of colonialism, I

have something to say on a question of direct concern to

my country. I should like to inform this Assembly of

developments in the territorial dispute between Morocco

and Spain. During this year the Moroccan and Spanish

Governments have engaged in direct, frank, friendly but

none the less difficult negotiations which have led to the

conclusion of a treaty on the return of the Territory of Ifni

to the Kingdom of Morocco. The settlement of that

problem, under which we conceded certain advantages in

our desire to facilitate implementation of the relevant

recommendations adopted by the United Nations, has

confirmed and strengthened the two countries’ desire to

resolve their problems by peaceful means. My Government

wishes to take this opportunity to express its satisfaction

and thanks to all the competent organs of the United

Nations, and in particular the Committee of Twenty-Four,

for the positive role they played in the search for a

satisfactory settlement of that problem.

20. Since that part of the dispute was thus settled, my

Government hoped that the Spanish Government would

also, in the same spirit of goodwill, take appropriate steps

to apply the General Assembly’s recommendations concerning

the Sahara. It was all the more convinced that this

objective could be attained because the Spanish Government

had given its full support to the relevant General

Assembly resolutions at the 1967 and 1968 sessions

[resolutions 2354 (XXII) and 2428 (XXIII)]. Unfortunately

that hope was to be dashed by events. The

economic, political and military measures taken by the

administering Power indicate that the course being followed

is in no way leading to the emancipation of the Territory.

Public opinion is even becoming concerned about the scope

and consequences of some of these measures, particularly

those aimed at strengthening the military potential of

so-called Spanish Sahara, the intensification of pressures

and preparations for the unilateral organization of a

referendum, the publicity given to speeches and official

statements in the Spanish Cortes, and pressing appeals for

foreign financial assistance in exploiting the mineral wealth

of that Territory. My Government, which has always placed

great hopes in the self-determination of peoples, is surprised

by this behaviour, which runs counter to the obligations

devolving upon the administering Power.

21. Nevertheless, my Government, aware of the Spanish

Government’s interest in the work of decolonization and

taking into account its approval of the United Nations

resolutions, continues to hope that an appropriate settlement

of this problem will soon be reached. For our part we

remain convinced that, in the light of the understanding,

wisdom and sincere friendship uniting our two Heads of

State, His Majesty King Hassan II and His Excellency

General Franco, our two countries will continue their

efforts and their dialogue with a view to strengthening their

historic ties of friendship and promoting fruitful co-operation

between them in all fields.

22. With regard to the situation in Gibraltar, my Government

fears that continued tension in the relations between

Spain and the United Kingdom concerning the future of

that Territory is likely to postpone a peaceful settlement of

the problem. It hopes that, in the interest of peace in this

particularly sensitive area, the parties concerned will resume

their dialogue, with a view to implementing the relevant

United Nations resolutions on the decolonization of the Territory.

23. The African continent is once again being sorely tried.

For more than two years our brother country Nigeria has

been threatened by an attempt at secession. This crisis

affects it painfully and causes us Africans deep concern. My

Government believes that the decisions taken by the

summit conference of the Organization of African Unity in

an attempt to restore peace, effect national reconciliation

and preserve the unity and territorial integrity of Nigeria

are likely to pave the way to a peaceful and just settlement

of the problem.

24. Similarly, in Asia a cruel war has been going on for

over 20 years in Viet-Nam. My Government has never failed

to deplore this grave situation and at the same time to

express its hope of seeing peace restored in that afflicted

area. Thus, while sympathizing with the courageous people

of Viet-Nam, my country last year welcomed in this

Assembly the step taken towards peace by the cessation of

the bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic

of Viet-Nam and the opening of the Paris negotiations. My

Government therefore fervently hopes that the process of

peace already started will be quickened, so as to enable the

people of Viet-Nam to achieve its aspirations by freely

determining its future without any foreign interference. We

are convinced that with the restoration of peace and

security in that country the prospects for solving other

problems in Asia and in the world will be more promising.

25. If peace is restored in this area and elsewhere, it will

be possible to view the fundamental question of disarmament

with more optimism. We cannot ignore the increased

intensity of the arms race. We are all agreed that the past

year has not brought any notable progress towards disarmament.

The Secretary-General, whose sustained efforts in

this field we greatly appreciate, pointed out in his message

to the Committee on Disarmament that there has been no

halt or even slow-down in the arms race. On the contrary,

total military expenditure has reached a record level of over

$200,000 million a year. My country, which has recently

had the honour of becoming a member of the Committee

on Disarmament, realizes the capital importance and

extreme complexity of the problem. It is convinced that

positive results can be obtained only if all parties show

proof of their political will and make sustained efforts. For

our part, as His Majesty King Hassan II stated in his recent

message to the Committee on Disarmament.

”We ... have made [disarmament] a constant element

of Our foreign policy and We have supported unremittingly

every initiative designed to limit and reduce military

potentials, whoever may promote or possess them.”

26. Conscious of its new and important responsibilities as

a member of the Committee on Disarmament, my country

will give this question its undivided attention and will

participate in all efforts to achieve positive results.

27. Although we are fully aware of the difficulties in the

way of general and complete disarmament under international

control, we must pursue our efforts in fields where

agreements — even partial agreements — are possible. This

process has already yielded significant results in the

conclusion of several treaties.

28. Despite these efforts we are still faced by other

problems, including the total prohibition of nuclear tests,

demilitarization of the sea-bed and ocean floor, and the

prohibition of chemical and biological weapons. In this last

matter my country will continue to support, as in the past,

any decision promoting the universal application of the

Geneva Protocol of June 1925. In any event, His Majesty’s

Government will support any initiative guaranteeing a just

and lasting peace for the international community.

29. The questions which we have just examined are not,

however, the only ones retaining our interest and attention.

Other problems, such as the limitation of offensive and

defensive strategic weapons, the entry into force of the

Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

[resolution 2373 (XXII)] and co-operation in the peaceful

uses of atomic energy are considered by my delegation to

be extremely important. We shall have occasion to deal

with them in detail in the appropriate committees.

30. We are convinced that these complex problems can

only be solved by frank international co-operation, which is

also essential to ensure a balanced development of our

society. Whereas in 1967 the world economy was marked

by an almost general stability, in 1968, on the other hand,

there was a rather remarkable upsurge. World production

increased marginally in all regions, whether of market or

planned economies; and the rate of international trade was

double that of the previous year. This led to a general

increase in national income, both for the developed and for

all the developing countries.

31. However, this favourable situation, far from reducing

the gap between these two groups of countries, has only

deepened it further. Strange though it may seem, the gap

between the wealthy and the developing countries is

constantly widening, in periods alike of difficulty and of

abundance. Thus a considerable decline in international

exports began during 1968 to the detriment of the

developing countries and has now become regular and

permanent. This quantitative inequality is particularly

alarming since it is accompanied by a qualitative inequality

which increasingly affects the purchasing power derived

from those exports. We are therefore faced on the one hand

with unstable and declining prices for products from

developing countries supplying raw materials, and on the

other, with a steady increase in the price of capital goods

supplied by industrialized countries. This imbalance adds to

the difficulties of the third world, which is confronted with

a steady worsening of its trade balance and becomes less

and less capable of satisfying its requirements tor capital

goods.

32. It is thus clear that, as a result of the international

trade structures and terms of trade imposed by the rich

countries, the operations of developing countries are

steadily contracting. The bulk of the profitable transactions.

are therefore carried out in a closed circuit among the

industrialized countries; and the developing countries enter

the picture only as suppliers of raw materials at prices

unilaterally determined by the industrial purchaser.

33. In the world of finance, for more than a year the

international community has been following with some

concern the upheavals in the international monetary system.

The calm of the last few months is not sufficient to

eradicate the deep-rooted causes of the deficiencies of the

system now in force, despite the pragmatic remedies which

have been applied here and there. We attach particular

importance to placing the system on a sounder footing and

to stabilizing currencies. This is why we are following with

some apprehension the negotiations of the international

monetary clubs; and we hope, as a developing country, that

the decisions taken by these bodies will not ignore our

lawful rights to participate in any attempt to reform the

international monetary system. In our view, the international

community should henceforth act in such a way that

the contribution which each member of the community is

able to make is taken into consideration. While we

recognize that small meetings might be technically more

effective, we must not forget that any solution devised

without the participation of those concerned will be

doomed to failure.

34. So far as the development of the more backward

regions of the world is concerned, we have noted that in

1968 the international community made greater efforts on

their behalf than in 1967. Thus there was an increase of 14

per cent in the flow of capital from the industrialized

countries invested in the developing countries either

through bilateral channels or through multilateral agencies.

Last year in this Assembly [1683rd meeting] I expressed

the hope of seeing the insufficiency of public aid offset by

an increase in private investment. The trends recorded in

1968 do indeed show an upturn in private-sector activities

in the third world. However, it is not yet possible to assess

from the component elements of this activity the effectiveness

of the inflow of capital into the development sector.

The main effort made in this connexion seems to have been

in aid to exports, which has increased by about $700

million, representing almost 25 per cent of private-sector

activities as a whole. While recognizing the effectiveness of

this effort, we nevertheless note a very significant drop in

public aid, which has decreased by a further 8 per cent in

relation to 1967 and by 11 per cent in relation to the

average for the previous years. This downward trend is

continuing to worsen at the expense of the developing

countries, since aid as a whole has decreased considerably in

relation to previous years.

35. Despite the appeals that have been made for several

years to set international co-operation on a proper footing

and thus make it possible to define a new development

strategy, no progress has been made in modifying the

structures of world trade or the nature of development aid.

The only matter for satisfaction as far as we are concerned

is the commitment made by the World Bank Group to

increase its activities in the years to come. We are all the

more encouraged by the fact that Africa seems to have been

given its proper place in the developing world.

36. We believe that it is impossible to envisage a new

development strategy without a candid and fair political

decision by all the parties concerned.

37. In stressing the need for more active international

co-operation, and aware of the difficulty of implementing

the development policy, my delegation would like to see

every opportunity used for that purpose. It is clear that the

major responsibility for the efforts to be undertaken in

pursuit of that end must lie first and foremost with the

developing countries themselves. It is for this reason that

the activities of the Government of His Majesty King

Hassan II have always been aimed at mobilizing the full

domestic potential of the country and, for this purpose, at

carrying out planning adapted to the specific situation in

Morocco. This planning has yielded all the expected results,

since in the first two years of its implementation the

forecasts have been fulfilled, both in the public sector,

where programmes are all-important, and in the private

sector, where planning is only indicative.

38. These results have been achieved by the mobilization

of all the State’s resources and the policy of local

co-operation with all our bilateral and multilateral, public

and private partners. Our Convention of Association with

the European Economic Community, the efforts being

made at the Maghreb level and the interest shown in our

policy by the World Bank Advisory Group are all encouraging

factors for us. That is why we believe ourselves to be on

the right road and hope to see the confidence placed in us

by our partners serve as a basis for our international

relations, in the interest of a sound and comprehensive development.

39. As we have already stated, the General Assembly must

assume increased responsibilities in the present international

situation. The Charter calls upon it, in such circumstances,

to take all necessary decisions for the maintenance

of peace and security in the world. I should like on this

occasion to remind the Assembly, above all, of its primary

duty to find an urgent solution to the serious problem of

the Middle East. Time is of the essence, and my Government

fears that the situation will only deteriorate further

and thus escape from all control. We urge the States

Members of the United Nations to take cognizance of this

danger and to co-operate fully with the Organization in

order to enable it to discharge its obligations and apply

suitable decisive measures to restore peace in that grievously

troubled region. Convinced of the justice of this cause

and with every confidence in the future of mankind

Morocco still hopes to see the ideals of peace, freedom and

justice finally prevail in this troubled world.