Liechtenstein, 1992

Permit me to extend to you, Mr.

President, our heartfelt congratulations on your election, which demonstrates

Member States' conviction that you have the ability to conduct the work of

this session of the General Assembly with diplomatic skill and efficiency. I

assure you of the support of the delegation of Liechtenstein.

I should like to also express to your predecessor.

Ambassador Samir Shihabi, our recognition of his outstanding conduct of the

business of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session.

Furthermore, I wish to take this opportunity to pay tribute to you, Mr.

Secretary-General, for your efforts better to equip the United Nations to meet

the new challenges it faces as a result of the far-reaching changes taking

place in the world. We hope that the Organization, under your leadership and

in close cooperation and agreement with Member States and other United Nations

organs and bodies, will be able to continue to perform its important duties

effectively. It is my hope that close cooperation will develop between you

and my country.

Two years ago Liechtenstein was accepted as the one hundred and

fifty-ninth member of the United Nations. This occasion was for my country

the culmination of its efforts to become an equal partner in the international

community of States and to share responsibility for overcoming the global and

regional problems we face today.

The two years of our membership have been marked by far-reaching

political changes. As one of the consequences of these changes, 20 new

Members have been admitted to the United Nations since 1990. Accordingly,

Liechtenstein would like particularly to welcome those countries that have

become Members of the United Nations this year: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia

and Herzegovina, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Croatia, the Republic of

Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

Since its entry Liechtenstein has sought to be an active member of the

United Nations, although as a small country our possibilities are very

limited. We are thankful for the understanding Member States have shown for

our special situation.

All States, whether small or large, whether powerful or powerless, need

the United Nations. Small States, however, have special grounds for belonging

to the world Organization. One of these is the fact that the United Nations

is based on a requirement of universal respect for the law of nations;

sovereignty, especially that of a small State, can be secured, ensured and

guaranteed only when all States, especially the large and powerful, respect

international law. We have confidence in the United Nations, but at the same

time we are aware that the Organization cannot resolve all conflicts. It can,

however, establish standards of conduct for the civilized behaviour of nations

towards one another.

For a short time after the end of the cold war we believed that we were

going through a phase of almost exclusively positive changes and upheavals.

Democratic Governments were replacing authoritarian regimes, and millions of

people were attaining the freedom they had long been denied. But that time

was short-lived. Today the international community of States finds itself

facing no fewer problems than before. Instead of a diminution, there has been

a deepening of the North-South conflict; regional conflicts driven by ethnic,

religious, social and cultural differences are coming to a head; and

environmental damage is threatening us and future generations.

Simultaneously, however, expectations have risen and prospects improved

of the United Nations being able to play more fully the role that was

envisaged for it when it was established. Liberation from the burden of the

big-Power confrontation has indeed made our peoples and nations clearly aware

of the world's mutual interdependence, but we are still not of one mind

regarding the order in which to list the problems to which the United Nations

should devote its priority attention. Quite obviously, the structures of an

organization founded 47 years ago need to be adapted to the realities and new

demands of these greatly changed times.

We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's report, "An Agenda for

Peace" (A/47/277), and see it as providing a useful basis for the efforts to

improve the capacity of the United Nations to establish and maintain peace in

the world. We believe that the proposals regarding preventive diplomacy in

particular, contained in section III of the report, need to be looked at very

closely with a view to creating means of preventing disputes or limiting their

escalation.

Internal conflicts have become a special challenge to the community of

States. Ethnic, social or religious disagreements often give rise to regional

instability. We are aware of the fact that a number of the new States Members

of the United Nations, in particular, are in an extremely difficult economic

and political situation.

Liechtenstein would like in this connection to express particularly its

sympathy with the victims of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The war

unleashed by the aggression of Serbia and Montenegro is causing great human

suffering in that country. We are following with deep concern the continuing

reports of massive and systematic violations of human rights and international

humanitarian law, for which all parties to the conflict are responsible. The

killing of innocent human beings and the destruction of an irreplaceable

cultural heritage must stop, and all parties must immediately make efforts to

bring about a peaceful solution to their difficult problems. We support the

declaration of principles issued on the occasion of the London Conference,

held on 26 and 27 August 1992, and the framework established by the Conference

participants within which a comprehensive political solution to the crisis is

to be sought. We express our hope that the political will demonstrated in

London will be transformed into specific actions and that the follow-up

negotiations taking place in Geneva will soon yield positive results.

It is within that framework that I should like to refer to the initiative

that the Head of State of the Principality of Liechtenstein,

His Serene Highness Prince Hans-Adam II, introduced in his address to the

forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.

On that occasion His Serene Highness referred to the need to find ways

of promoting peaceful solutions to the many conflicts which have their roots

in the tensions which exist between communities within States. His Serene

Highness considered that such solutions should be sought within the framework

of the principle of self-determination.

Liechtenstein is aware of the consideration already given within the

United Nations and indeed within other bodies - to the principle of self-

determination. We acknowledge the great international effort devoted to this

question in the past.

The right to self-determination as a principle is now universally

accepted. I would recall not only that self-determination is one of the

foundations of the Charter but also that most States represented in the

Assembly are already under certain specific legal obligations in this area by

virtue of Article 1 of each of the great human rights Covenants of 1966.

There it is formally and with legally binding effect acknowledged that:

"All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of

that right they freely determine their political status and freely

pursue their economic, social and cultural development."

Despite all this, and with some notable exceptions, the practical and

peaceful application of that principle has often been lacking. Tensions

between distinctive communities within States, or between such communities and

the State itself, persist in many parts of the world. Regrettably, they have

in a number of instances led to outbreaks of serious violence. Apart from the

human suffering which results, such tensions and violence often affect

neighbouring States, and may have a more widespread impact on the maintenance

of international peace generally. Much can be done to try to limit the

suffering once the violence has started; but how much better it would be to go

to the root of the problem which is often to be found in the frustrations of

distinctive communities when they are denied the legitimate expression of their

communal identities and aspirations.

I am glad to say that His Serene Highness's statement last year

attracted the interest of a number of delegations. During the past year we

have undertaken extensive consultations, and we have benefitted greatly from

constructive suggestions which delegations have been kind enough to make. We

are most grateful to all those Governments for the interest they have shown.

We have also sought, and taken into account, some independent expert views.

It is against this background that Liechtenstein believes that the

international community, through this Assembly, should take steps to make the

right of self-determination more effective, and by doing so contribute to the

avoidance of some future conflicts. It is our conviction that the time has

now come for the international community, through the United Nations, to offer

a realistic way forward, by establishing a practical framework through which

communities can give expression to their distinctive qualities.

Such a practical framework would need to satisfy four main requirements:

First, there should be flexible and graduated forms of

self-determination involving different levels of autonomy, taking account of

the differing needs of differing communities and the States of which they form

part; a subdivided community which allows its various parts to pursue the

common goal in their own way can on occasion be a very good expression of the

principle of self-determination;

Secondly, communities invoking the principle of self-determination

should renounce resort to violence and commit themselves to pursuing their

aims through peaceful means only;

Thirdly, assistance in the effective realization of the principle of

self-determination should be available through independent procedures; and

Fourthly, a proper balance must be maintained between self-determination

and the territorial integrity of States.

Subject always to those requirements being met, we believe that the

international community should recognize that self-determination is an

inherent attribute of all communities which possess a distinctive social and

territorial identity. This involves the free choice by each community of its

political, social, economic and cultural destiny in accordance with the best

interests of its members.

Self-determination, it must be stressed, is not necessarily or even

primarily a matter of moving towards independent statehood. Indiscriminate

independence would lead to the fragmentation of the international community

and would insufficiently respect the territorial integrity of States. In

reality, however, full independence is, if only for purely practical reasons,

the least likely outcome in most cases.

Respect for diversity can be adequately reflected in other ways.

Self-determination can take various forms, as may be best suited to each

community's and each State's particular circumstances.

It is important to retain the essential flexibility of the concept. But

in all cases where there exists a community with a sufficient degree of

distinctive identity, it seems right that a certain basic level of autonomy

should be acknowledged. I am referring to such very elementary matters as

non-discrimination against the community or its members, their freedom to

practice and enjoy their distinctive community characteristics, and their

participation in appropriate ways in public affairs, particularly in matters

directly affecting the community's interests. A commitment to acknowledge

such a modest degree of autonomy for all communities that merit it should not,

we believe, cause serious problems for any Member of the United Nations.

More advanced levels of autonomy will be appropriate for communities

whose particular circumstances demonstrate their fitness to enjoy them. But

we do not think it would be realistic for the United Nations to seek to lay

down detailed mandatory requirements for the self-determination of communities

with a vast range of distinctive characteristics, settled within States whose

own histories are so diverse. Anything beyond the sort of basic level of

autonomy to which I have referred is probably best left to be developed on an

optional basis and case by case the circumstances being so diverse that each

is best left to be treated on its own merits.

Nevertheless, there would, in our view, be some advantage in the United

Nations indicating the kinds of further elements which might find a place in

the more advanced levels of autonomy. These further elements of autonomy

would progressively add to the degree to which the community conducts its own

affairs but would only be available to a community with satisfactory

experience and even then, only if the State concerned is ready to accept the

community's more advanced level of autonomy.

In this complex area we cannot assume that any general principle or

procedures which might be agreed internationally will be applied without

difficulty in particular cases. We should therefore also envisage that some

procedures be available to assist if any difficulties arise in the application

of the principle of self-determination and to assist with the peaceful

resolution of any differences there might be.

A number of delegations with which we have discussed our ideas in general

terms suggested that it would be advantageous for the matter which, as well

as being of great political importance, is also of considerable technical

complexity - to be the subject of some further examination by a group of

experts so as to facilitate the progress which may eventually be made in this

Assembly.

We have accordingly concluded that the most appropriate course will be

for the Government of Liechtenstein to invite each Government represented in

the Assembly and that includes those here as observers to nominate an

independent expert to attend an informal meeting of experts in Liechtenstein

next March. We hope that the experts attending that meeting will be able to

assist us in further developing the ideas advanced initially by

His Serene Highness at the forty-sixth session of the Assembly. We envisage

that the experts nominated to attend will do so in their personal capacities,

since we believe that by adopting procedures which avoid committing

Governments we are more likely to have a constructive and expert discussion.

Invitations to nominate experts to attend the meeting will be issued during

the course of the present session. In the light of the views expressed at the

meeting of experts, the Government of Liechtenstein will consider how best to

return to the Assembly, perhaps at its next session in 1993, with proposals

for carrying further the initiative introduced last year by His Serene

Highness.

As the international community makes progress, however haltingly, towards

preventing the outbreak of violent conflicts between States, it becomes all

the more important that together we seek ways of avoiding the no less inhuman

consequences of civil wars between communities within a State. In informing

the Assembly of the lines along which our thinking on this important and

sensitive matter is developing, I hope that I may have demonstrated the depth

of our concern that some way should be found of controlling one major source

of much violence and human suffering in today's world.

May I express my hope that the new spirit of cooperation in the United

Nations will help enable us to discharge the responsibility entrusted to us

and to find, in consensus, solutions to the manifold problems that we face.

My delegation is ready to make its contribution in order to achieve, in

efficient cooperation with other delegations, the objectives of the United

Nations.