Cambodia, 1969

126. The delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia,

which is taking part in the work of this twenty-fourth

session of the General Assembly, would very much have

liked to be able to express some optimism this year

regarding the development of the world situation: Unfortunately,

we are compelled to note that none of the grave

issues has yet been satisfactorily resolved and that we are

confronted today with increasingly numerous and distressing problems.

127. Peaceful and neutral Cambodia, with its 2,000 years

of tumultuous history and its Buddhist civilization, wishes

to draw the attention of the Assembly once again to some

of the dangers that are threatening mankind. We shall do so

without rancour, in all humility and fully aware of the very

small voice that we have.in the concert of the great Powers

and their allies. We shall do so also because our independence

of thought cannot be challenged, because we serve no

other cause than that of the search for truth, justice and peace.

128. First of all, I should like to stress that Cambodia has,

after all, an enviable position in the third world, especially

in South-East Asia. It has succeeded in remaining at peace,

both internally and externally, although not without

suffering repercussions from the war in Viet-Nam. Like all

the developing countries, and other countries as well, it is

experiencing economic and financial difficulties, but it has

escaped those caused by poverty, famine, undernourishment,

epidemics, illiteracy and the like. In short, I would

say that we ourselves have enough to live on, if not in a

superabundance of material goods, at least in a state of

well-being still sought in vain by others more favoured than

us. We depend for our national existence entirely on

ourselves and that is why we can express ourselves freely

here, regardless of whether others are pleased or displeased

by what we say.

129. Our increasing apprehension is caused by the conflicts

which are continuing, are breaking out or are

threatening to break out at many points of the globe, as

well as the neglect of the essential principles of the Charter,

which should form the basis of the actions of all Members

of the United Nations as well as of other countries.

130. For many years, eminent statesmen, famous scientists

and religious leaders have stated or written that the

world is heading for a catastrophe, since, at any moment,

some armed confrontation may lead to a third world war.

People believe, however, or feign ta believe, that such a

possibility is excluded by the balance of nuclear power.

Quite apart from the fact that this confidence is undoubtedly

unjustified, we believe it immoral to accept the

continuation in different parts of the world of “local” wars

which afflict millions of human beings. The most tragic

example of these “local” wars is the war in Viet-Nam.

131. Cambodia has recognized the Government of the

Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional

Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam as the true

representatives of the Viet-Namese people. In fact, it is

obvious that the claims to a representative character and

legitimacy of the Saigon authorities, which are kept in place

by a foreign military occupation force, are absurd, as the

course of events will prove.

132. We give full and constant support to the position of

the true Viet-Nam in favour of a return to peace and we do

so, not for ideological reasons as some allege, but because

that position is a just one and consistent with United

Nations principles, to which we shall remain attached in all

circumstances. The only reasonable and honourable

outcome of the war in Viet-Nam, which has lasted far too

long, is the total and unconditional withdrawal of foreign

troops and bases from South Viet-Nam and effective

respect for the right of the Viet-Namese people to settle

their own affairs, including reunification, without foreign

intervention or interference. Therefore, the proposals of the

Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the global solution

submitted by the National Liberation Front of the South

undoubtedly constitute the only just and acceptable basis

for an agreement between the parties concerned.

133. We greeted hopefully the declared aim of President

Nixon to put an end to the war in Viet-Nam, the first

measures of de-escalation and the more understanding

attitude adopted by the United States towards Cambodia,

which then decided to agree to the re-establishment of

Khmer-American diplomatic relations. We also took as an

encouraging sign the consideration given to reconstruction

and economic development projects for the post-war

period. From this very rostrum, on 18 September [1755th

meeting], President Nixon reaffirmed his determination to

arrive at a peaceful solution which would enable the South

Viet-Namese people to exercise its right to self-determination.

134. All the peoples of the world, and not least the people

of Viet-Nam, entirely agree with President Nixon in

insisting on respect for their right to self-determination. Is

it conceivable, however, that that right could be truly

exercised under foreign occupation? We certainly do not

believe that it could. Free elections in South Viet-Nam

cannot be organized by authorities whose power is based

solely on the presence of a foreign army of occupation.

They cannot be held in normal conditions until the foreign

armed forces are withdrawn from South Viet-Nam.

135. We trust that President Nixon will no longer hesitate

to take the wise decisions which the world is awaiting,

namely, total withdrawal of American troops from South

Viet-Nam and respect for the right of the Viet-Namese

people to full independence. No one will regard such

decisions as a defeat for the United States, but rather as a

victory for reason and common sense.

136. Once again, this year, the General Assembly will have

to consider the question of the representation of China in

the United Nations. I should like to draw attention to the

fact that this question has been on our agenda for the last

20 years and that the legitimate Government of a country

of 800 million inhabitants is still being excluded arbitrarily

from the Organization.

137. The refusal to permit China to occupy its seat in the

United Nations and in the Security Council is a flagrant

denial of justice and a violation of the principles we claim

to uphold. But that China’s seat should still be occupied by

the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek goes beyond the

limits of absurdity, the more so since no one attaches the

slightest significance to their participation in our work.

138. Nine years ago, from this very rostrum [877th

meeting], our Chief of State, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk,

pointed out that the United Nations needed the presence of

China far more than China needed its seat in the United

Nations. Events have confirmed that observation, since

China has become a nuclear Power and is making great

strides in every field. It is obvious to every thinking person

that none of the major world problems, and a fortiori the

major Asian problems, can be solved without China or

against its will.

139. Some countries would like to see recognized the

existence of two Chinas, each with a seat in the United

Nations. There is no justification for that, since the island

of Taiwan, in which Chiang Kai-shek has taken refuge, is a

Chinese province under the sovereignty of the Chinese

Government, as all Members of the United Nations both

know and acknowledge. The fact that this Chinese island is

administered by a so-called nationalist Government, thanks

to the military protection of a major foreign Power,

certainly does not give it the status of an independent and

sovereign State. In any event, the problem of Taiwan is an

internal Chinese problem which would have long since been

solved if the United States had not, with its armed force,

opposed such a solution.

140. China’s return to the United Nations will be opposed

again this year by those who accuse that great nation of

being a warmonger. Yet the truth of the matter is that there

is no Chinese armed force or military base outside China,

whereas so-called peace-loving Members of the United

Nations are making shameless use of their military power

against countries wishing to recover or maintain their

independence or simply to defend their territorial integrity.

We therefore believe it is necessary to assume that the

judgement criteria applied are based on facts and not on

hatreds.

141. Another matter which should claim our attention is

the situation in Korea. After the Second World War, that

country was divided into two States, for no other reason

than that it suited the pleasure, or the interests, of the great

Powers, and that division has now lasted for some 25 years.

In accordance with the principles and ideals which are the

raison d’étre of the United Nations, we request that the 40

million Koreans should at long last be allowed freely to

achieve the reunification of their country, without any

outside intervention or interference, including that of the

United Nations. Such reunification presupposes the evacuation

of foreign armed forces from South Korea, the Korean

people being left complete freedom to settle its domestic

affairs as it wishes and as is its right. Once again, the

Cambodian delegation wishes to make it clear that it is not

siding with any ideology, but simply supports those

national rights which are the same in every country of the world.

142. There is another problem to which the attention of

the Assembly will be turned and that is the explosive

situation in the Middle East. The Israeli-Arab conflict is a

tragic example of the powerlessness of this Organization to

ensure respect for the territorial integrity of its Members.

The State of Israel undoubtedly has a right to exist, but the

territories occupied after the so-called Six-Day War must

clearly be returned to their legitimate Arab owners, and

measures in keeping with the resolution of the Security

Council should be put into effect without delay with

respect to the Palestinians and their rights. Otherwise, it is

to be feared that a new war will break out, the consequences

of which would be catastrophic for our sorely-tried world.

143. The delegation of Cambodia now wishes to touch

upon a question which it considers to be the gravest issue of

our time. As Samdech Norodom Sihanouk recently wrote:

“humanity is living through a tragedy: the widening of the

gap between the so-called developed countries and the

countries which are not developed”. Our eminent

Secretary-General has just recently voiced his distress at the

rapid development of this situation.

144. We speak today of “developing countries” and no

longer of “under-developed” countries. Likewise, the

expression “and aid and assistance from the highly-developed

countries to the poorer countries” has been

replaced by the word “co-operation”. But, whatever the

terminology used, the facts remain the same. The truth of

the matter is that, for the majority of the nations of the

third world, there is no prospect of development adequate

to close, even partially, the gap separating them from the

wealthy nations. The figures are there, and each year they

are more overwhelming.

145. Over the last 15 years, Cambodia has made substantial

progress by dint of constant effort and considerable

sacrifices. It must be recognized, however, that it is now

even further removed from the over-developed countries

than it was 15 years ago. Yet, our country has something of

a privileged position in the Afro-Asian and Latin American

world. if we are making progress despite our difficulties,

that does not mean that we can blind ourselves to the fact

that other countries are stagnating or even losing ground. It

is alleged in certain circles that “we want everything - now”

whereas the Western Powers took a century to achieve their

present prosperity. It would be wrong, however, to think

that we are unaware of the hardships of development or

refuse to follow the rough road leading to it. Moreover, a

country such as Cambodia is in no way jealous of the

overwhelming wealth of certain countries and seeks nothing

more than a worthy and peaceful life.

146. The growing imbalance between the rich and the

poor countries nevertheless leads us to pose a fundamental

question: can we assure coexistence between satiated

peoples and starving peoples, between countries overflowing

with luxuries and those living in poverty? The

history of the world has already provided the answer and it

is inconceivable that, in the not too distant future, over

three quarters of mankind will passively accept a growing

inequality in the distribution of wealth.

147. The solution lies, of course, in international solidarity.

To date, alas, such solidarity has been more than

disappointing. The great Powers are more concerned with

conquering outer space or with their nuclear arms programmes

than with the problems of the hunger and poverty

of the third world. As for their participation in the development

of the poorer countries, it is far from adequate in the

circumstances.

148. The assistance of the highly developed countries of is

both camps — or, if you will, their “co-operation” with us — is

all too often unsuited to our needs and more favourable to

their own interests than to ours. Like any another

country of the third world, Cambodia has learned that fact

through bitter experience. True, we must recognize that the

assistance of some friendly countries — particularly that of

France—has been most useful and even beneficial to us. But

we encounter some types of “co-operation” with the

wealthy countries which are of no value to us and which

sometimes even hinder development. Co-operation, as

understood by such countries, is something in the nature of

the co-operation between a coachman and his horse and the

“mutual advantages” to which reference is constantly made

are distributed in a curious fashion.

149. There is, for example, the case of the major projects

receiving foreign assistance, generally of an international nature.

150. First of all, it can happen — and often does happen — that

such a project is worked out in the abstract of

somewhere or other and its practical implementation proves

a failure, without any lesson being learnt for the future.

Even in the best of circumstances, however, we find that

the funds provided by generous donors, or rather the loans

which they grant on which interest is payable, melt away in

payments for study missions and for the many trips made

by their technicians and contractors. Consequently, when

we draw up the balance-sheet of the project, we discover

that it is we, ourselves, who carried the greatest burden of

the financing.

151. We have also the case of foreign investors, whom we

encourage with conditions and guarantees at least equal to

those they would receive in Western countries. It is,

however, a fact that a poor country is required to allow

infinitely greater advantages and profits which are sometimes

twice, three times or even four times as large as those

granted by a wealthy country. Capitalists are of course not

philanthropists and we are prepared to allow them a normal

rate of return on their investments. They, however, wish to

take the lion’s share and leave us simply a few bones to gnaw.

152. In the case of foreign loans, we are given a choice.

Some propose loans at rates of interest which are prohibitively

high for a country with limited resources; others are

ready to grant us medium-term credits at reasonable rates,

but on condition that we agree to use the loans for the

purchase of obsolete industrial or other equipment, which

is no longer of any use to them, at prices equal to those

asked for the best and most modern equipment.

153. The super-developed world is full of good and

generous intentions towards the world of the poor. But the

facts and the figures confirm that development aid is a

myth and that it will remain so until the major Powers have

the wisdom to renounce their imperialism and to give up

their territorial, economic and ideological expansionism at

the expense of the third world.

154. The delegation of Cambodia considers that the

General Assembly should tackle this question with all the

seriousness it deserves. A great debate between the clan of

the privileged and the under-developed camp can still be

held in relatively satisfactory conditions. In a few years’

time, it will undoubtedly be too late. The rise of passions

and antagonisms is leading to a division and a break

between the white world of abundance and the coloured

world of poverty. We, for our part, pray that mankind may

be spared such a confrontation.

155. In conclusion, I should like to address our respectful

congratulations to our President on her election to preside

over the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We

are gratified at the tribute paid to her generous efforts in

favour of peace and justice and we hail with admiration her

campaign for the independence of countries still under

colonial rule and for the emancipation of African women.

We ask her to accept our best wishes for complete success

in the noble task entrusted to her.