Iraq, 1969

90. Madam President, it gives

me pleasure to begin my statement by expressing the great

gratification of my delegation at your election to the

presidency of the twenty-fourth session of the General

Assembly, the more so when I recall that the only two

ladies who have gained this confidence have come from

Asia and Africa, the two continents whose peoples have

been engaged in a bitter struggle for freedom, independence

and self-determination for all oppressed peoples.

91. I should also like to take this occasion to express our

sincere sorrow at the passing away of former President

Emilio Arenales, who earned the confidence of the General

Assembly at its last session, and who, in spite of ill health,

discharged his duties admirably.

92. One year has passed since I addressed the General

Assembly at its last session, quoting in my statement from

the Secretary-General’s report, to the effect that no

progress had been made towards an international order

based on law and justice. I regret to state now that the year

that has just passed has not been more favourable than the

one preceding it, in banishing the atmosphere of anxieties

and dangers that threaten the safety and security of nations.

93. This failure has been manifested in all its aspects in the

Middle East, where Israel continues its aggression against

the people of Palestine and its occupation of the territories

of three Arab States, Members of the United Nations,

before the eyes of the world Organization. Israel has been

attempting by all methods to consolidate its colonialist,

racist and expansionist existence in the Arab region, aided

and abetted by world imperialism headed by the United

States of America, in flagrant violation of the Charter of

the United Nations.

94. During the past year and since the previous session of

the General Assembly, a series of resolutions has been

adopted and initiatives taken with varying degrees of

seriousness and responsibility to find a solution, creating a

basis for justice and the banishment of aggression from the

region. In spite of all this, no noticeable improvement has

been achieved and we have not seen any glimmer of hope

for reaching a just solution of this problem that has been

awaiting solution for the last twenty years.

95. It is high time to differentiate between causes and

consequences and to confront the causes with the needed

courage, objectivity and fairness. The basic cause is the

denial to the Palestinian people, who have been living in

tents for the past twenty years, of the right to live in their

own homeland in freedom, sovereignty and peace. Any

solution which does not take into full consideration the

Palestinian people, the people directly concerned, will have

no chance of success. The overriding reality which will

remain alive in the conscience of the Arab nation and of the

world is the rejection by the Palestinian people of their

elimination as a distinct national entity, and their determination

for national survival, regardless of the price, in

common with other nations that have fought against

occupation and extinction and achieved, through their just

struggle, the goals of liberation and independence.

96. When Israel embarked upon the second stage of its

expansionist designs by waging its. 1967 aggression and

occupying large territories of the Arab States, it was

determined to consolidate its occupation of those territories

for the purpose of their annexation, in defiance of all

the principles of the United Nations Charter, and thus to

impose submission on the Arab States and the final

liquidation of the Palestine question.

97. It is not difficult for those who are acquainted with

Israeli methods to realize that Israel is endeavouring to

employ all means to consolidate its occupation and to

impose on the United Nations another fait accompli. This is

neither surprising nor unexpected from an Israel, which has

from the start based its existence upon acquisition by force

and the presenting of that acquisition as an irrevocable fait

accompli. This fact has been proved by what happened last

year, and ever since Israel came into being, a fact deserving

everyone’s attention so that measures may be taken to

avoid its imposition upon the region and the world community.

98. At the end of its previous session, the General

Assembly adopted resolution 2452 (XXIII) for the return

of the evacuees who were forced to leave their homes as a

result of the June 1967 aggression, and the United Nations

reaffirmed its previous resolution concerning the right of

the people of Palestine to return to their homeland. A year

has now passed and not a single part of that resolution has

been implemented. Furthermore, the General Assembly, at

its last session, adopted resolution 2443 (XXIII) on respect

for human rights in the occupied Arab territories, a

resolution which was rejected by Israel right from the very

beginning. The Security Council. on its part, adopted

several resolutions condemning Israeli aggression against the

Arab States, such as resolution 262 (1968) concerning

Israel’s raid on Beirut International Airport, and resolution

265 (1969) regarding Israel’s attack upon the civilian

population in Jordan. Other resolutions by the Security

Council include resolution 267 (1969) declaring as invalid

all Israeli measures to annex Arab Jerusalem and efface its

Arabic character; also Security Council resolution

271 (1969), in which the Council reaffirmed its previous

resolution on Jerusalem.

99. But all those resolutions were contemptuously and

arrogantly rejected by Israel. On the other hand, the United

Nations Human Rights Commission adopted its resolution

6 (XXV) for the establishment of a mission to

investigate Israel’s inhumane measures against the civilian

population in occupied territories. That mission was denied

co-operation by Israel and even barred from entering the

territories in question, as if such an attitude could blind the

world to the persecution of civilians, the suppression of

freedom, the economic hardships and the imposition of a

brutal occupation upon the peoples of those territories. All

these actions were condemned by the International Conference

on Human Rights which was held at Teheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968.

100. We were not surprised at Israel’s persistence in such a

policy and at its continuous contempt for United Nations

resolutions. Our realization of this fact was based upon

unquestionable and unmistakable indications which were

further reinforced by well-known statements of various

Israeli spokesmen.

101. Israel’s continued contempt for the Security Council

resolutions is a result of its knowledge that those resolutions

will not go beyond censure and condemnation

because there are Powers that prevent the Organization

from undertaking appropriate measures, under the Charter,

to deal with situations similar to the Israeli aggression.

Israel was certain that the United States of America, which

has supported it since its creation with material and moral

aid and which continues to provide it with the latest

destructive weapons, even at a time when it is in occupation

of the Territories of United Nations Member States, would

block any effective action by the Organization. This is not

surprising from the United States, which is the foremost

imperialist Power in the world and from whose machinations

no country has been safe. It is the same United States

which called, through its President and from this rostrum a

few days ago [1755th meeting], for alteration of the map

of the Middle East to satisfy Israel and reward its aggression.

102. How could the United States allow itself — and how

could the international community allow it — to play with

the destinies of peoples and violate the sanctity of

homelands? That declaration of the United States

President creates a dangerous precedent in international

relations, one which threatens the sovereignty of States and

their territorial integrity, and it must be the concern of all

Members of this Organization for the sake of their security

and territorial integrity.

103. Supporting aggression, so forcefully and enthusiastically,

by a great Power such as the United States — a

permanent member of the Security Council which, according

to the Charter, bears a special responsibility for keeping

international peace and security — is a dangerous action

which threatens the very future of this Organization and

weakens whatever faith the peoples of the world may have

in it. It is such actions which help to replace the rule of law

by the law of the jungle. The United States must realize

that force can never stand in the way of nations struggling

for their legitimate aspirations. The changes that are taking

place in Asia, Africa and Latin America are shining

examples of the total failure of the policy of force.

104. This is the dark and negative side of the situation

prevailing in the Middle East since 1948 which has further

deteriorated since Israel’s June 1967 aggression. There is,

however, the other side of the picture where there is a ray

of hope and a gleam of optimism that a fundamental

remedy is beginning to emerge. By this I mean the growing

valiant resistance movement of the people of Palestine who,

under the yoke of Israel’s occupation in the darkness of

refugee tents and conscious of their homelessness, suffer

from the world’s lack of conscience and the impotence of

this Organization to find a solution for the plight in which

they have been living for twenty years now. Last year

witnessed the intensification of patriotic resistance in

Palestine and all occupied Arab territories. This resistance

has become the criterion for the effectiveness of the Arab

struggle.

105. From this rostrum, I wish to affirm the support of

the Iraqi Government and people for the legitimate struggle

of the Palestinian people who ave resisting foreign occupation

and striving for the right of self-determination. This

struggle, by its example of bravery and sacrifice, has

awakened the conscience of the world .and gained the

sympathy of all freedom loving nations. The Iraqi Republic,

convinced of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people

as part of the Arab nation, will continue to support their

struggle by all available means, both inside and outside this

Organization.

106. It is for us a source of satisfaction that the number of

States which have come to recognize this right has been

growing. In this respect, I wish to recall the resolution of

the consultative meeting of the non-aligned nations held at

Belgrade from 8 to 12 July 1969 which was based upon the

resolutions of the two non-aligned summit conferences held

at Belgrade in 1961 and Cairo in 1964, supporting

unequivocally the struggle of the Palestinian people against

colonialism, racism and their efforts to regain their legitimate

rights.

107. One of the most dangerous aspects of Israeli expansion

is its attempts to extend its domination to citizens of

other States on a purely religious basis. Israeli protective

claims over world Jewry is a factor for confusion and

disturbance in the world today. It is an encroachment upon

the sovereignty of independent States and calls for dual

loyalty and allegiance.

108. Today, religion is no longer a bond between the

individual and the State. Therefore, Israel’s responsibility in

exploiting religious feelings and inciting citizens to betray

their countries as part of its aggressive designs is extremely

dangerous. The tears it sheds for those victims of its wicked

designs, in the name of defending semitism, are an act of

tremendous cynicism. The events of recent years have

uncovered many of Israel’s criminal acts. It is doubtful that

the world would be deceived by its weeping for a few spies

who betrayed their country while it continues to assassinate

a whole nation.

109. The world was shocked by the burning of the

Al Aqsa Mosque, one of the most holy Moslem places of

worship and which constitutes a spiritual and historical

monument for all mankind. This barbaric crime, perpetrated

by the Zionists, reflects the decline of their moral

and human values. In spite of all propaganda camouflages

the world did not hesitate to show its anger and disgust and

to lay the responsibility at Israel’s door as the occupying Power.

110. The continuation of the Zionist aggression against

the Arab nations will lead to most serious consequences in

the Middle East and will weaken the confidence in the

United Nations, which bears a great responsibility in view

of its failure to liquidate aggression and find a just solution

for the Palestinian problem.

111. The Arab nation, which has placed its confidence in

this Organization, is determined and entitled to use all

legitimate means for the liberation of Arab lands from the

racial Zionist occupation, regardless of the price to be paid.

112. The only way to deal with Israeli aggression is by its

liquidation and by the refusal to recognize any territorial

gain resulting from it. Israel must unconditionally withdraw

from all Arab territories. This will not by itself normalize

the situation or establish a just and lasting peace, because

the June aggression is nothing but one of the direct

consequences of the Zionist aggression against the people of

Palestine. It is only by recognizing the rights of the people

of Palestine for repatriation and self-determination and

assuring their full participation that a successful solution

can be reached.

113. The Israeli aggression and its consequences are not

the only dangers to the peace and security in the Middle

East. There is another problem which is of particular

concern to my Government since it is a direct threat to

Iraqi sovereignty, and to which the Foreign Minister of Iran

referred yesterday [1776th meeting]. This is the problem

which has been artificially created by our neighbour Iran,

by its unilateral declaration abrogating the valid and legally

binding boundary Treaty of 1937. The unilateral denunciation

of this Treaty has no basis or support in law or fact.

114. The 1937 Treaty was concluded to settle and

delineate, once and for all, the water and land boundaries

between Iraq and Iran. The Treaty provided for the

recognition of international instruments which were previously

established for the delineation of the frontiers

between the two countries. It was duly signed and ratified

and the instruments of ratification were exchanged. The

Treaty was registered with the League of Nations.

115. Although the conclusion of the Treaty was opposed

by the Iraqi populace, as it provided for concessions from a

part of Iraq’s territory in Shatt-al-Arab, nevertheless, once

the Treaty was ratified and legal procedures were terminated

Iraq abided by its provisions in compliance with its

policy of honouring its international obligations and recognition

of the sanctity of treaties and conventious.

116. To the regret of my Government, our neighbour Iran,

in its attempt to evade the application of the valid and

legally binding Treaty, deemed it fit to denounce it

unilaterally, in violation of the principles of international

law. The unilateral denunciation of the Treaty was accompanied

by mass demonstrations of troops and naval and

air forces along the boundaries of the two countries. To

make matters worse, military force was actually used to

violate Iraqi sovereignty, contrary to paragraph 4 of

Article 2 of the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, Iran

deliberately transgressed rules and regulations of Iraqi port

authorities, endangering navigation in Shatt-al-Arab.

117. The Iraqi-Iranian boundary Treaty of 1937 is valid

and binding on both parties, and any measure which was or

could be taken contrary to its provisions is null and void. In

the spirit of good-neighbour relations between Iraq and Iran

and the binding force of international commitment, Iran

should rescind its illegal measures and restore the status quo

ante in the interest of both nations, with a view to

preserving international peace and security in the region.

My Government, however, motivated by the sincere desire

for settling peacefully any dispute which may arise regarding

the application of the provisions of the Treaty, declares

its readiness to accept the jurisdiction of the International

Court of Justice.

118. In this respect I should like to refer to a question

relating to decolonization which has not received sufficient

attention from the United Nations in the last few years;

namely, the question of Oman. The people of Oman, who

have continued to struggle against British colonialism to

attain their liberation and progress, are awaiting justice

from this world Organization to enable them to exercise

their right to self-determination. The United Kingdom,

which has already declared its intention to liquidate British

bases and withdraw its troops from the Arab Gulf area, still

prevents the people of Oman from achieving their aspiration,

through the policies of intimidation and banishment,

and in collaboration with the reactionary authorities of

Muscat. The people of Oman, who were ruled by Britain for

about a century and a half, are still leading a primitive life

of isolation and are backward in the fields of economy and

hygiene. The economic potentialities of that nation of

about 3 million are being plundered by oil monopolies, and

yet they still lack a single high school, or a hospital, or any

aspect of modern society. Tens of thousands of Omanis are

still living in exile, due to the policies of terror and

persecution practised by colonialism and reactionists. The

international community is called upon to bring pressure to

bear upon the United Kingdom to implement the United

Nations resolutions relative to the termination of the

British colonial presence in Oman, and the liquidation of

British military bases, and to put an end to the policies of

repression and expulsion, practised by the British occupying

forces in collaboration with the reactionary authorities

of Muscat. It is necessary to recognize the rights of the

people of Oman to their national wealth, which they

desperately need to emerge from a way of life of

unparalleled primitiveness.

119. The people of Iraq, who struggled gallantly for a long

period of time against colonialism and foreign domination,

support with all the means at their disposal the just struggle

of the valiant people of Oman, and extend to them all the

assistance and support needed to enable that part of our

Arab homeland achieve its full right to freedom and sovereignty.

120. The determination of the Iraqi people in their full

support of the struggle of the Arab nation for freedom and

unity has not made us oblivious of the struggle of other

nations in different parts of the world for their own

legitimate rights against the forces of imperialism and

aggression. We firmly believe that national struggle and

collaboration of progressive forces all over the world is the

only way for nations to achieve independence and liberty.

The continuation of. American aggression in Viet-Nam and

Zionist aggression in Palestine are but a single manifestation

of colonialist policies, pursued by the United States and

based upon its disregard of the rights of nations in its own

selfish and monopolistic interests.

121. The struggle of the people of Viet-Nam has scored a

brilliant victory against the forces of foreign occupation

and domination, exemplified by the military and colonial

aggression of the United States. The United States has used

all its enormous military capacity in a daily operation of

annihilation which is aimed at the subjugation of a great

nation whose struggle has been regarded as an eternal

symbol in the march of nations against the forces of

oppression and domination.

122. The Republic of Iraq believes that permanent peace

in Viet-Nam will not be obtained except by the unconditional

withdrawal of the aggressive American troops from

Viet-Namese territory; by strict non-interference in the

affairs of the Viet-Namese people, and by enabling it to

decide its own future. On this occasion the delegation of

the Republic of Iraq salutes the emergence of the revolutionary

provisional Government of South Viet-Nam and

considers it the result of the gallant struggle of the people

of Viet-Nam. One basic element in the foreign policy of

Iraq is to foster the cause of national liberation and

decolonization all over the world. Iraq, therefore, firmly

supports the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique

and Guinea (Bissau), as well as the struggle of the peoples

of Zimbabwe and Namibia.

123. My Government observes a flagrant irregularity in the

position of the United Nations which is one of the causes of

its falling short of achieving its objectives. This irregularity

is the prevention of the Chinese people from enjoying their

legal right to be represented in this Organization, so that

they may contribute to the efforts of Member States to

safeguard international peace and security and. to consolidate

international co-operation.

124. There is also another anomalous situation in the

region of the Far East which the United Nations should not

ignore nor allow to continue any longer, and that is the

presence of the United States occupation forces in South

Korea under the flag of the United Nations. My Government

does not see any justification for the continuation of

this anomalous state of affairs, and calls upon the United

Nations to rid itself of this entanglement which not only

does harm to the reputation of the international community

but also thwarts the rightful aspirations of the

Korean people for sovereignty and unity.

125. The German Democratic Republic, which represents

an important section of the German people and enjoys wide

political and economic relations with the majority of the

international community, has been for twenty years deprived

of representation in the United Nations and its

specialized agencies. The realities of international life and

the requirements for European peace and security prescribe

that the German Democratic Republic should not be

deprived of its right to be represented in the world

Organization and the specialized agencies.

126. The agenda of the present session is replete with

topics that deserve all our attention and consideration. My

delegation will, in the first place, pay particular attention to

the items which aim at the consolidation of international

peace and security, and the strengthening of co-operation

between Member States in order to achieve economic and

social progress and the welfare of all peoples. In this

connexion, we refer particularly to the question of disarmament

and other related matters, and to the question of

the reservation exclusively for peaceful purposes of the

sea-bed and the ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof

underlying the high seas beyond the limits of present

national jurisdiction, and the use of their resources in the

interests of mankind. We welcome the inclusion in the

agenda of the item on the strengthening of international

security and the item on the conclusion of a convention on

the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling

of chemical and bacteriological (biological) weapons

and on the destruction of such weapons.

127. It might be useful in this connexion to point out that

Iraq has realized considerable progress in various economic

fields during the First United Nations Development Decade.

The reports published by the Economic and Social Council,

entitled World Economic Survey, 1968, parts I and II

indicate that Iraq has achieved an increase of 12 per cent in

the national commodity production, compared with the

period between 1960 and 1967. This percentage is one of

the highest achieved by the developing countries. Iraq’s

agricultural production has also increased by 12 per cent

while its exports for 1968 increased by 40 per cent

compared with the previous year. During the same period,

Iraq’s imports decreased by 6 per cent. Iraq at present

exploits all its energies and natural resources to assure the

prosperity of its people and to raise their standard of living.

Our policy in this respect emanates from our sovereignty

over our natural resources and our right to exploit them

directly for the national interest.

128. Iraq is greatly interested in the Second United

Nations Economic Development Decade, and looks forward

with great hopes to seeing that Decade achieve our

expectations in developing the economy of the underdeveloped

countries, raising the standards of living of their

peoples, and closing the gap between the developed and

developing countries. We also hope that the planning of the

Second United Nations Development Decade is based on

realistic objectives and an effective and practicable means

of execution.

129. In spite of all the questions and problems which the

United Nations and the entire world community face at

present, and which obscure the horizon of international

relations with dark and ominous clouds, there are, however,

gleams of hope that inspire confidence in the ability of

peace-loving mankind to overcome the forces of evil that

attempt to impose their will on the peoples. These rays of

hope that appear on the international horizon, through this

Organization and its organs, ensure the possibility of

opening wider fields of co-operation to achieve the welfare

of all mankind. I am therefore pleased to conclude my

statement by announcing my country’s support of all the

noble efforts aimed at eradicating the negative aspects of

international relations. We are prepared to take part in all

attempts to realize mankind’s aspirations to live in peace

and security, which alone can ensure the progress of the

peoples in the fields of constructive and fruitful work for

the prosperity and happiness of all.