Haiti, 1982

On behalf of the Government of Haiti and in my own name, Sir, I wish

to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of

the thirty- seventh session of the General Assembly. I am sure that

you will demonstrate those outstanding qualities that won you this

distinction. I wish also to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr.

Kittani, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iraq, for the discreet

and able manner in which he presided over the work of the

thirty-sixth session. I should particularly like to join preceding

speakers in congratulating Mr. Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General,

whose election to head the Organization is unquestionably a source of

deep satisfaction for all third-world countries. May I take this

occasion to emphasize the high quality of his report on the work of

the Organization, a report which lucidly depicts the shortcomings of

the United Nations, as well as the overriding need to strengthen its

decision-making machinery.

This session has opened in a tense atmosphere dominated by a note of

anguish in the statements, which have persistently reflected the

international community's concerns about the general deterioration in

the political and economic situation throughout the world.

While the industrialized countries may perceive current economic

problems more in terms of cyclical or less extreme fluctuations, the

third world as a whole-particularly the least-favoured countries-

still believe that the structural imbalance between North and South

has become even greater and is now dangerously close to the point of

collapse. Most third world country delegations, from whatever

continent they may come, have spoken with one voice from this rostrum

of the tragic expansion of areas of poverty in their respective

regions. They have described the growing distress of impoverished

populations desperately trying to eke out a meagre existence which

becomes more precarious with every passing day. Hence we small

nations have no illusions when we wonder about our future.

For almost a decade now, negotiations on the establishment of a new

economic order-one that would be more just, more harmonious, but also

more efficient-have come up against a lack of true political will on

the part of the rich countries to make the adjustments essential to

any genuine effort at solidarity. Clearly, there is no real prospect

for altering the current international order. The institutional,

financial and technical measures required for sustained expansion of

the world economy and for a swifter growth in the developing

countries are still being awaited. Meanwhile, the terms of trade are

deteriorating at a catastrophic pace, and third-world debt has now

risen to $600 billion.

At the same time, there is no growth in official development

assistance, which has never reached that famous target of 0.7 per

cent of the gross national product of the rich countries, or less

than 5 per cent of annual arms expenditures. Indeed the Brandt

Commission' noted ironically that the machinery of death was that

which involved the greatest and most dynamic transfer of technology.

Even the new law of the sea, which is based mainly on the concept of

balanced participation in the exploitation of common wealth, is

challenged because of the regrettable selfishness of certain

industrialized nations.

It is also most distressing to note that no systematic campaign has

been undertaken to explain to the people of the rich countries that

effective solidarity with the poor countries is less a moral

imperative than an irreplaceable factor for economic growth at the

world level; for there is no better way of stimulating the production

and distribution of goods and services than a determination to

satisfy the basic needs of billions of individuals who have not yet

enjoyed the material benefits of even the most elementary progress.

There is no nobler task than that of contributing to the betterment

of human beings who have been left on the sidelines of progress by

hunger, ignorance and disease.

It is time for the collective conscience of the industrialized countries

to stop looking upon international co-operation as a burden on the

rich, as alms given to those countries that are supposedly incapable

of looking after their own future. It is time for the people in the

rich countries to understand that the new international economic

order will not jeopardize the prosperity of the countries of the

North but will rather give a new impetus to the world economy and

provide for more equitable distribution of the fruits of growth.

A/37/PV.27

The Republic of Haiti remains convinced that the market economy,

which at the national level has in some countries been able to adapt

to the requirements of more human socio-economic development, will al

so at the international level find the necessary resources to

establish a new kind of relationship that is more just and more

beneficial. To that end more appropriate and generous action is

required on the part of the public authorities of the industrialized

countries. World phenomena have to be analyzed more objectively and

to be less influenced by national experiences that are hard to

imitate in different circumstances. To sum up, we need courage,

imagination and a better sense of international solidarity. Some rich

countries do not lack those qualities, and we should like to pay a

tribute to them here.

The problems of the developing countries, to which we have referred

briefly, assume the dimensions of a real tragedy in the case of the

least developed. In the last decade their per capita gross national

product in real terms rose by only $11. Closer to us, the combined

effects of world recession and inflation and the recent spiraling of

interest rates, along with a collapse in the price of commodities,

have tragically emphasized their economic vulnerability and paralyzed

their ability, which was already rather pathetic, to import those

goods that are essential to their development.

Admittedly, the fifth session of UNCTAD, in Manila in 1979 and the

United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, in Paris

in 1981 did decide to launch a new programmer and set forth a number

of objectives that were ambitious and realistic, including the figure

of 0.15 per cent of the gross national product of donor countries for

official development aid to the least developed countries.

Unfortunately the commitments formally entered into on those

occasions have not yet been fulfilled. Thus it seems difficult for us

today to speak about a real desire to stabilize export earnings, to

increase external assistance qualitatively and quantitatively.

How, under these circumstances, can we hope, as we had hoped, to

eliminate the category of least developed countries and ensure that

by the end of the 1980s they will have joined the ranks of the

developing countries? How can we not doubt the ability of the

international system to provide elements for the solving of the

problems of the third world, even if it was impossible to take

adequate action for this small group of least advanced countries?

The Republic of Haiti, which more than any other country has

throughout its history as a sovereign nation experienced the cost of

isolation and exploitation resulting from the selfish game played by

the big Powers, solemnly repeats its appeal for a truly constructive

North-South dialogue. President Jean-Claude Duvalier has said that:

"The Republic of Haiti continues to believe in the future of global

negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic

order which would enable the poor populations of the third world to

attain a threshold of development compatible with the dignity of the

human race and the right of every individual to a decent standard of

living."

Yet above all the third world countries must understand that if they

want to progress towards prosperity they must first of all rely on

themselves and fully shoulder their collective autonomy. They must

systematically explore the tremendous potential of co-operation among

developing countries in the financial, technical, trade, industrial

and cultural fields. The Republic of Haiti reiterates its absolute belief

in active and intelligent harmonization among the nations of the

South based on mutual respect and understanding to generate concrete

actions that would be of mutual benefit in an intraregional and

interregional context.

Beyond the ideological positions that are inevitably stated in the

general debate, every statement here reflects the collective

aspiration to an international political order that would bring peace

and progress. However, the state of the world today clearly shows if

not the failure at least the profound inability of mankind to face

successfully the many sociopolitical upheavals that are

characteristic of our age. There are so many problems that have not

been solved, and they create new divisions and increase the tension

which here and there has led to permanent situations of crisis, overt

or latent. Despite the belief constantly expressed by Member States

in the values of the Charter, the machinery for peace and

international security seems to be blocked, as can be seen from the

world situation today.

In the Middle East the situation remains explosive. Recent events in

Lebanon and their hideous cruelty continue to horrify the conscience

of the world and confirm, if there were any need for that, that

action by the Organization is necessary to establish overall peace in

the region. Contrasting with this background of absurd violence, some

bilateral and multilateral initiatives have been taken. They are

worthwhile and encouraging, and we trust that they can bring about a

resumption of dialogue, which is so necessary for peace and essential

in dealing with the fundamental issue of the future of the

Palestinian people.

The Government of Haiti remains firmly convinced that Security

Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) provide the basis for

an overall settlement of the Middle East problem. The Haitian

Government believes that the search for peace necessarily involves

all of Israel's neighbors recognizing and respecting its right to

exist within secure and recognized borders. Likewise we believe that

there can be no question of challenging the right of the Palestinian

people to real self-determination within a physical, legal and

administrative framework that is in keeping with its legitimate

aspirations.

Latin America is also going through a turbulent period, and there is

an atmosphere of uncertainty because of the consequences of the

conflict relating to the Malvinas Islands and the difficult situation

in Central America. The recent war in the South Atlantic and the

bloodshed it involved highlighted the remnants of a way of life that

has clearly passed. Indeed it placed a severe strain on the peace of

the region and undermined the solidarity of the continent.

The Republic of Haiti, faithful to its past and respectful of its

traditions, has never hesitated to oppose all forms of colonial

domination, and naturally expressed its solidarity with the just

claims of the Republic of Argentina. The Government of Haiti, aware

of how fragile are victories imposed by force, believes that the

United Nations can play a decisive role in the search for a

negotiated and peaceful solution which would make it possible to

establish the definitive bases for a mutually acceptable agreement.

That is why we joined in the initiative of Argentina and Mexico in

calling for the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the

General Assembly of an item on the Malvinas Islands.

Central America remains the theatre for many conflict situations

resulting from ideological tensions, which have once again created

hotbeds of crisis that could endanger regional peace and security.

The Republic of Haiti, which has always refused to view regional

problems simply in the context of the power balance between East and

West, cannot but express its deep concern over the manifest symptoms

of the alarming deterioration in relations between some fraternal

countries in Central America. We call upon all States in the region

to reject the sterile option of a dangerous arms race. We would go

along with any proposal to strengthen regional stability and security

on the basis of the great principles of international morality and

law. In that way an atmosphere of peace could be established that

would be favorable to economic development, which is indeed the real

problem of the region.

As regards Asia, the Government of Haiti is carefully following the

courageous initiatives of the Republic of Korea for the reunification

of the Korean nation. We regret the halt in negotiations between the

two Governments and urge them to go beyond their differences of view

in order to arrive at satisfactory results. That, of course, can be

done only by the Koreans themselves. However, the United Nations

could, with the agreement of the parties, take action to provide a

propitious framework for the resumption of talks.

The Haitian Government welcomes the initiative to regroup the

Cambodian liberation forces within the Coalition Government of

Democratic Kampuchea. We lend our full support to the various United

Nations initiatives for a settlement of the conflict, which must

necessarily include the total and final withdrawal of Vietnamese

forces from the territory of Kampuchea.

Similarly, the Government of Haiti strongly condemns the continued

occupation of Afghanistan by foreign troops and urges the

establishment of conditions which would effectively enable the Afghan

people to choose their kind of political society freely, without any

outside interference.

The negotiations on Namibian independence, despite optimistic

statements of members of the contact group, have made no progress and

are simply marking time. Some people insist on making the Namibian

question one aspect of East-West confrontation, but that is

completely unjustified. Meanwhile, the South African regime,

encouraged by the differences of view that have developed within the

contact group, is increasing its diversionary tactics in an attempt

to delay the inevitable outcome.

The Haitian Government believes that any swift solution of the

Namibian problem necessarily involves the full implementation of

Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which reflects the

international consensus on the need for immediate independence for

Namibia under the leadership of the patriotic liberation forces of

the South West Africa People's Organization. It is upsetting to see

that South Africa, despite the measures taken against it by the

United Nations, still continues openly to defy the international

community by pursuing its apartheid policy.

Thirty years have passed since the General Assembly began its

consideration of the item on racial conflict in South Africa. Just

before the end of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial

Discrimination it seems to us indispensable that the United Nations

should proceed at this session to a serious evaluation of the efforts

made to date and, if necessary, define a new strategy for the

complete elimination of the system of apartheid.

Such action would seem to us particularly timely because this year,

proclaimed by the General Assembly as the International Year of

Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, is also the

seventieth anniversary of the African National Congress, for which

the Haitian Government would once again express full support in its

difficult struggle against the usurpation of political and economic

power by a racist minority.

The Haitian Government once again condemns the South African regime's

continuing strengthening of its arsenal of repressive laws. It also

condemns the South African policy of bantustanization and those who

go along with it, because it is a systematic undertaking to

dehumanize the black people of South Africa. The Haitian people and

Government, expressing their solidarity with the black majorities in

South Africa and the people of Namibia in their legitimate

aspirations and struggles, once again urgently appeals to the

international community to ensure that the sanctions adopted to make

the South African regime less intransigent are fully implemented.

I have given a short account of the feelings, wishes and positions of

the Haitian Government on some of the major issues in the

international arena. I would emphasize above all our unwavering

conviction that the current system of international relations must be

replaced by a new order of justice, collective economic security and

true co-operation, with respect for the self-determination and

dignity of each people. Clearly, it would be an illusion to believe

that our wishes could be fulfilled in a single morning. That would

mean simply disregarding human nature and forgetting that history

does not follow a straight path and time is needed to bring it back

to its true course. However, all progress made, every step taken, is

a victory for peace and justice over a world of hatred and violence.

We must therefore work courageously, patiently and with dedication to

respond to the aspirations of the anguished peoples who are listening

to us.

The Republic of Haiti, which has always been inspired by the code of

honor and solidarity, will lend you, Mr. President, and all the

bodies of the United Nations, full and whole-hearted co-operation in

order to give life, however partial, to the hopes placed in our work.