The Gambia, 1999

Let me first of all congratulate

you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election to preside

over the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Only

a few years ago, the United Nations was actively involved

in the decolonization of then South West Africa, now

Namibia. Today, it is with a great sense of pride, therefore,

that we see not only an old freedom fighter but also a

consummate diplomat from Namibia presiding over the last

session of the General Assembly of the second millennium

and ushering in the beginning of the third. I have no doubt

whatsoever that with your vast experience you will steer

this historic session to a successful conclusion. You can rest

assured of the full support and cooperation of the Gambian

delegation in carrying out your important assignments.

May I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the

outgoing President, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the

business like manner in which he conducted the fifty-third

session, an eventful period indeed, characterized by far-

reaching decisions in areas of common concern to the

international community.

In the same vein, I would like to commend our

Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the exemplary

way in which he has been handling the affairs of our

Organization.

Today, the membership of our Organization stands

at the impressive figure of 188. In this connection, I

would like, on behalf of the Government and the people

of the Gambia, and indeed on my own behalf, to

congratulate the Republic of Nauru, the Republic of

Kiribati and the Kingdom of Tonga on their admission to

membership in the United Nations. We are confident that

these new Member States will bring with them all the

charm and wisdom of island nations to enrich the work of

the United Nations.

All nations, big or small, have something to offer.

This is particularly true of small States that have no

spheres of influence to preserve, but the honest desire to

participate in and contribute to the betterment of our

world. Small States have the advantage of coming up

with refreshing ideas and offering new perspectives in the

search for solutions to problems of common concern.

Making this world a better place for the human race

to live in is the collective responsibility of all of us. All

States, big or small, should contribute to the collective

endeavour to rid this world of wars, hunger, destitution,

disease, suffering, homelessness, despair, terror, tyranny

and economic backwardness.

Making this world a better place to live is not a far-

fetched dream. It is a goal we can achieve if all nations,

collectively as well as individually, sincerely commit

themselves to working towards achieving this goal. Our

very survival as the human race in the new millennium

depends on the achievement of this noble objective.

How do we achieve this noble objective? First of all,

we must commit ourselves to living and working for

peace on earth. We must respect the sovereign rights of

nations, big or small, rich or poor, to exist without fear of

being marginalized, suppressed or intimidated by larger,

richer or more populous nations. This is why, quite apart

from the principle of universality, my Government

4

sincerely believes that this body should seriously reconsider

its position on the readmission of the Republic of China on

Taiwan to the United Nations. With a population of almost

22 million and the nineteenth-largest economy in the world,

and being the fifteenth-largest trading nation, the Republic

of China — a highly responsible member of the

international community, a free and democratic country that

has always promoted world trade and socio-economic

development around the world and at the same time has

contributed to the eradication of poverty — has a lot to

offer if readmitted to the United Nations. By allowing the

22 million people in Taiwan to be represented in the United

Nations, we would be enforcing the principles enshrined in

the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as

contributing to the promotion of international peace and

security.

Where this Assembly has recognized the then

existence of two Germanies and the present existence of the

two Koreas, the logic of the readmission of the Republic of

China into this Assembly of nations is a matter of justice

and equity. How can the United Nations sideline such an

important country as if we were still living in the past?

For reasons that we all know too well, in 1971, the

General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 (XXVI), by

which it conferred membership upon the People's Republic

of China. But the same resolution failed miserably to

address the issue of representation in the United Nations for

the people of the Republic of China on Taiwan. The cold

war is over. The time has now come to correct this sad

mistake, and there could not be a better time than now,

when we are at the threshold of the twenty-first century, to

recognize the Republic of China and, by extension, the

voice of its 22 million people.

Having said that, I would now like to focus attention

closer to home for a few minutes. Five years ago, when I

led the Gambia National Army to take over the reigns of

power in the Gambia, I was motivated by the sole desire to

rescue my people from the abyss of despair and destruction

after 30 years of rampant corruption and nepotism, to say

the least. There was a general laissez-faire attitude that was

rapidly assuming alarming proportions and that could have

spelt disaster for the country had we not stepped in to put

to an end the excesses of a rotten and morally bankrupt

regime. It would be hard for anyone to imagine that a

Government elected by the people would deprive its

citizens of their basic needs for 30 long years. Not a single

school, not a single hospital was built by that Government.

That was why during the two-year transition to

constitutional democratic rule, my Government immediately

embarked on an intensive socio-economic development

programme, building schools, hospitals, roads and bridges

and carrying out other infrastructural development

projects, such as building a new airport terminal and the

extension of the port of Banjul.

It is now a thing of the past for any child to worry

about trekking miles and miles to school. There are

enough schools in all the administrative areas in the

country, including high schools, for our children,

especially the girls, to stay close to their homes and

families. In this way we encourage parents to send their

girls to school.

In addition to encouraging and increasing access to

basic education for all Gambian children, my Government

has identified a need to provide tertiary education and has

established a university. The first batch of students will

enrol in the University of The Gambia in October 1999.

Similarly, in the area of health, we have so far built

two major hospitals, and a number of health centres

around the country. Obviously we could not put right all

the neglect of 30 years in just two years, but the

difference is clear. Naturally the people of the Gambia

wanted more progress. I was therefore persuaded by

people across the country to resign from the army and run

for office in a free and fair election under international

supervision. I accepted the challenge, strengthened in my

conviction that a direct mandate from the people would

enable me to work harder for them. We have since been

making greater strides in the uphill task of nation-

building.

The very survival of the Gambia in this ever-

changing world is an issue of major concern as we step

into the next century, which will be fraught with many

daunting challenges. The Gambia, like many other

developing countries, has been forced to rethink its

development agenda while looking for a more meaningful

living environment for its people.

The desire of both Government and people for a

developed nation is clearly expressed in the country's

development blueprint, “Vision 2020, The Gambia

Incorporated”. Our macroeconomic policies and strategies

continue to be spearheaded by Vision 2020, with an

overall goal of achieving sustainable growth and

eradicating poverty.

My Government is working very closely with the

World Bank, the European Union, the United Nations

5

Development Programme and all the specialized agencies

of the United Nations system in their fields of competence

in order to eradicate poverty, illiteracy and disease so that

as a healthy nation founded on solid, democratic principles

of good governance, we can stride ahead to build a nation

with a strong economy in an atmosphere of social justice

and political stability.

Recognizing that improving the governance

environment is a sine qua non for sustainable development,

the Government of the Gambia has incorporated good-

governance strategies in all national development initiatives

and plans. The Gambia National Governance Programme,

which was recently launched, was developed through an

extensive process of consultation and consensus-building.

In our bid to create an atmosphere of dignity and

respect for our citizenry we are fully committed to

democratic constitutionality. We consider this the only

feasible political framework for good governance, which is

an essential prerequisite for sustainable development. We

also believe that democracy cannot exist in a situation of

abject poverty. Our national governance programme

includes provisions for constitutional review and reform of

the electoral system and process; reform of parliamentary

structures and processes; civic education; reform of the

legal and judicial process; public-sector management and

administrative reform; and decentralization and local

government reform.

Given the complexity and scope of the governance

policy framework, its effective implementation will require

careful planning and mobilization of resources. A round-

table conference, to be organized very soon, will seek to

mobilize further support to cover part of the funding gap.

It is our hope that our partners in development will

continue to support us in this endeavour.

We are mindful that meaningful socio-economic

development can be brought about and be sustained only in

an atmosphere of stability and security — not only in our

own country, but also in its neighbouring countries. With

the world becoming more globalized, lack of security and

peace in any one part of the world affects the rest of

mankind, especially those of us in the developing countries.

We place a high premium on the maintenance of peace and

stability both at home and abroad.

This is why, in our sister republic of Guinea-Bissau,

we all worked hard, encouraged by the rest of the

international community, to put a definitive end to the

conflict there. In our efforts to achieve this objective, we,

together with other West African countries, participated

in the Economic Community of West African States

Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) peacekeeping operations

in Guinea-Bissau, even though the whole mission itself

was short-lived. Now that peace and stability have been

returned to that country, we encourage the international

community to contribute to the country's reconciliation

and reconstruction effort.

The Gambia, as coordinator of the work of the group

of friends of Guinea-Bissau at the United Nations, will

continue to play a leading role in this endeavour. In the

same vein, in our continuing search for peace and

stability in our subregion we in the Gambia have

spearheaded efforts to mediate in the Casamance question

through dialogue. As a result, in June of this year we

gathered together in Banjul all the stakeholders in the

Casamance issue with a view to providing a forum for the

Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC)

factions to articulate a common position for their

impending dialogue with the Government of Senegal. This

has been yielding positive results as it has already led to

a cessation of hostilities in the Casamance region of

Senegal. The cessation of hostilities, which is a

consequence of the Banjul encounters, has been so

encouraging that refugees have started to return home

even before a final settlement is reached. At last we can

see light at the end of the tunnel.

The momentum created by the Banjul meetings

among the MFDC factions should be maintained. A final

MFDC meeting will soon be convened and is expected to

herald formal consultations between the Government of

Senegal and the MFDC. These, we hope, will lead to a

lasting settlement that will put an end to the devastation

and its attendant human suffering.

Meanwhile, in our sister Republic of Sierra Leone,

it is gratifying to note that a peace agreement has now

been signed between the Government and the

Revolutionary United Front after almost nine years of one

of the most devastating, fratricidal and brutal wars of our

time, a war characterized by outrageous atrocities

committed by the rebels. We commend the efforts of the

Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)

leaders, ECOMOG, the Special Representative of the

Secretary-General for Sierra Leone and all those who

contributed in one way or another to bringing about this

peaceful resolution of the conflict.

The Lomé Peace Agreement is not the ideal peace

agreement, but most peace agreements come with a price.

6

The Sierra Leonean people paid dearly. We hope that,

despite all the shortcomings of the Agreement, it will create

hope and opportunity for the people of Sierra Leone and

free them from terror, violence, killings, amputations and

the many other atrocities that characterized this war.

The people of Sierra Leone have also welcomed this

chance to make a fresh start. They should not be abandoned

to fate. The international community has an obligation to

come in rapidly, and in a big way, to help in the

implementation of the Agreement.

It would be an understatement to say that Africa is

making great strides in the peaceful resolution of conflicts

there. A good example is the complex conflict in the

Democratic Republic of the Congo: we are encouraged by

the signing of a Ceasefire Agreement in Lusaka. On behalf

of the Government and people of the Gambia, I thank

President Chiluba of Zambia and all other leaders in Africa

who contributed to finding a political settlement to this

complex conflict.

We note that the Security Council has deployed

military liaison officers to the relevant States to lay the

groundwork for the deployment of military observers. We

appreciate this move by the United Nations. We must,

however, sound a note of caution: the situation is extremely

volatile. We must therefore move swiftly, before there is a

relapse into fighting. We must not let this opportunity slip

away.

Likewise, in the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, we welcome

the calm that has prevailed for a while. Most importantly,

we welcome the agreement of the parties to the

Organization of African Unity (OAU) Framework

Agreement. We commend the leadership role of the OAU

in its efforts to resolve this fratricidal conflict. We must,

however, say that we are yet to see a ceasefire agreement.

The parties must therefore be encouraged to translate their

pronouncements into action by signing a ceasefire

agreement immediately. We must emphasize that the United

Nations should be ready to come in as soon as it is

propitious to contribute to the implementation of the

agreement.

After a long and difficult period of negotiations, some

good news is coming out of Western Sahara. We note with

appreciation that the identification process has progressed

considerably. Plans for the repatriation of the refugees have

also advanced. Finally, we are coming close to the

referendum. We praise the Kingdom of Morocco for its

flexibility, understanding, cooperation and courage

throughout this period.

Elsewhere on the continent, the political landscape

is still hazy.

In Angola, the peace process has broken down

completely due to UNITA's intransigence and flat refusal

to implement in good faith the Lusaka Protocol. It is very

clear to all of us that there is no military solution to that

conflict. After about 30 years of war, the people of

Angola have suffered enormously, especially the women

and children. The future of a whole generation has been

compromised. We urge the international community to

take decisive action to ensure a peaceful and speedy

resolution of that conflict. To this end, we welcome the

recent re-establishment of a United Nations presence in

Angola. Such a presence is vital, but clearly it must be

buttressed by a resolute commitment of the Security

Council to producing the much-needed peace in Angola

as soon as possible.

In the case of Somalia, it is a completely different

scenario. The warlords are holding the international

community hostage because of their own insatiable

appetite to assume power at all costs. We note that the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is

doing all it can to resolve this long and complex conflict,

but without much success. If a resolution to this conflict

is to be found, we should shake off the Somalia syndrome

and re-engage the issue. The international community

should recommit itself to the resolution of the Somali

crisis by developing a strategy that would send clear

signals to the warlords that their behaviour and attitude

can no longer be tolerated by civilized society.

In the case of the Sudan, my delegation welcomes

wholeheartedly the peace overtures of the Government.

We believe that they are a first step in the right direction.

We encourage the other side to respond, and to respond

positively. The international community should also

support the parties in finding a lasting solution.

This brief survey of the theatres of conflict in Africa

reveals once again that our continent unfortunately

continues to claim the lion's share of trials and

tribulations. This is as embarrassing as it is unacceptable

and we must redouble our efforts to reverse the situation.

Away from the African continent, there are other

conflict situations that continue to pose serious threats to

7

international peace and security and, therefore, are of

serious concern to my delegation.

With regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict, my

Government, whilst reiterating its full support for the

inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and the principle

of land for peace, leading to an independent Palestinian

homeland, also supports fully the Middle East peace

process and the remarkable leadership role that the United

States is playing to move the process forward. The solution

to the problem lies both with Israel and in Palestine, as well

as with the international community. This is why we

believe that the implementation of the Wye River

agreement, in letter and spirit, would usher in a new era of

hope for the entire Middle East region.

Elsewhere in the Middle East, my delegation continues

to follow very closely the consequences of the Iraqi

invasion of Kuwait — in particular, the unresolved

problems of the Kuwaiti prisoners of war, missing persons,

the Kuwaiti archives and stolen property. There is nothing

more painful than the mental torture that the families of the

prisoners of war and missing persons have been going

through all these years. To treat this matter lightly would be

tantamount to adding insult to injury. We can imagine the

pain, the anguish, the uncertainty and the endless

nightmares of over 600 Kuwaiti families still hoping to hear

from their loved ones. This is why my Government will

never allow this aspect of the problem between Iraq and

Kuwait to be swept under the carpet. It is a humanitarian

problem that must not be politicized and must be given all

the attention that it deserves.

In the same vein, the restitution of the Kuwaiti

archives and other property is something that cannot be

relegated to the category of secondary issues. Depriving a

nation of its archives is like robbing it of its national

identity.

As for the question of the disarmament of Iraq, we

deplore the current stalemate. The status quo is

unacceptable, yet the Security Council appears to be

divided on how to move forward. The Council should show

unity and remain steadfast; otherwise it would be sending

the wrong signal: that any country can dictate the terms of

its compliance with the wishes of the international

community and get away with it. If that is allowed to

happen, we would be setting a very dangerous precedent.

Council members must make an effort to draw a line

between their narrow national interests and the collective

interests of humankind.

Just as we are unequivocal with regard to the

disarmament of Iraq, we are equally uncompromising

when it comes to the alleviation of the unwarranted

suffering of the ordinary Iraqi people who, unfortunately,

have to bear the brunt of any sanctions. The oil-for-food

programme is a laudable effort to mitigate the impact of

sanctions, but that is just about it. We want to see the

removal, destruction or rendering harmless of all Iraqi

weapons of mass destruction, but we do not subscribe to

the destruction of Iraq under any pretext whatsoever. It is

disheartening to see what sanctions have done to the

innocent women, children and elderly people of Iraq.

This, too, is unacceptable and was not the objective of the

sanctions. A net distinction must henceforth be made

between the regime and the people. As with all other

existing and future sanctions, they must be clearly

targeted at those responsible in order to avoid inflicting

undue pain and suffering on innocent people.

Still on the thorny issue of sanctions, my

Government is pleased that sanctions imposed on the

Libyan Arab Jamahiriya have been suspended, but we

cannot wait to see them lifted completely because Libya

has fulfilled all its international obligations under the

relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for the

immediate and complete lifting of all the sanctions

imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

Cuba, too, has been reeling under unjust sanctions

for 38 years now. These sanctions should be scrapped

because they are counterproductive and inhumane. We are

of the opinion that the new millennium should usher in an

era devoid of avoidable and man-made disasters and

conflicts that wreak untold suffering on the innocent.

Today, at the threshold of the new millennium, we should

forgive and forget the past and reconcile in order to make

this world a better place for mankind. We therefore

reiterate our call for the immediate lifting of the economic

and financial blockade imposed on Cuba.

Whilst it is important to uphold the principle of non-

interference in the internal affairs of States, when a State

exceeds all bounds and engages in the heinous policy of

ethnic cleansing, as in Kosovo, the rest of the

international community cannot remain silent. The timely

adoption of Security Council resolution 1244 (1999)

marked a watershed in the history of the conflict, the full

implementation of which, we hope, will bring lasting

peace to Kosovo.

On the issue of East Timor, I would like to

congratulate the East Timorese on the successful conduct

8

of the historic ballot. Nothing would have been possible,

though, without the courageous first step that was taken by

the Indonesian Government leading to the 5 May

Agreement, which in turn set the whole process in motion.

However, we are greatly appalled at and shocked by the

level of violence that ensued immediately after the verdict

of the East Timorese people was made known to the

international community. In this context, we welcome the

deployment of the multinational force.

While we rejoice with the people of Kosovo and East

Timor for the timely international efforts to restore peace,

we cannot but express despair at the slow or sometimes

lack of response to African conflicts. We insist that one life

in Angola or elsewhere in Africa is no less important than

one life in Kosovo or East Timor. The Security Council

must therefore be evenhanded and establish principled

criteria for humanitarian intervention.

In the wake of the many conflicts the world over,

there should be a concerted international effort to address

the issue of impunity. We share the philosophy that there

can be no peace without justice, no justice without law and

no meaningful law without a court to decide what is just

and lawful under any given circumstances.

Because of this conviction, we support international

efforts to establish an International Criminal Court (ICC)

which would have jurisdiction over war crimes, genocide

and crimes against humanity. We encourage all States to

consider ratifying the Statute of the ICC. The Gambia has

already signed the Statute and has since set the process in

motion for its ratification.

There is a phenomenon, though, that constitutes a

cause for greater concern to my delegation, and that is the

recruitment and conscription of children as soldiers. This

constitutes a total breakdown of our fundamental value

systems. It must be stopped, as it is a blatant violation of

international law and all norms of civilized behaviour.

The issue of the child soldier is a moral one, and it is

the collective responsibility of the international community

to fight against a situation where the leaders of tomorrow

are exposed to a life of violence, vengeance and hate, a

situation which breeds in their minds the dangerous notion

that he who wields the gun demands and deserves respect.

The plight of the children in the refugee camps does not

augur well for a brighter future as they invariably grow up

with vengeful hearts towards those they deem to be

responsible for their plight. In a nutshell, an end to all

conflicts is the only means to arrest this tragic trend.

Another social malaise of a deadlier threat to all

societies, rich and poor alike, is the drug menace. This

scourge threatens the very fabric of society and indeed the

fixture of mankind, as it respects no national boundary. It

is also a major cause of most crimes and violence in our

urban centres, and it has grown to such proportions that

it is beyond the capacity of any single State to eradicate

it. Thus, we applaud the timely initiative of President

Ernesto Zedillo of Mexico for convening a special session

devoted to the drug problem. This special session no

doubt rekindled the interest that we all share in the fight

against drugs. We all crave for a drug-free world. A

daunting task though it may be, we must take up the

challenge because the stakes are so high that we cannot

afford to be complacent.

The issue of small arms and landmines is also a

perennial problem which continues to fuel and exacerbate

conflicts in Africa and elsewhere with devastating

consequences. We oppose the proliferation of small arms

and the laying of landmines and call for international

partnership to address this concern. In this context, we

urge arms manufacturing countries to exercise restraint in

their transfer of arms to regions of conflict. In this

context, we welcome the entry into force of the

Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling,

Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on

Their Destruction.

Equally worrisome is the illicit trafficking in small

arms and sensitive technologies. On the wider question of

disarmament, whilst we recognize the efforts being made

towards the achievement of a fissile material cut-off treaty

and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, we

continue to add our voice to the campaign for the total

elimination of all nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, we look

forward to the Preparatory Committee for the 2000

Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

Before closing the chapter on the review of the

international political scene, I would like to thank all the

people and organizations, as well as members of the

international community, who have been working

relentlessly to devise peaceful and negotiated solutions to

the problems besetting mankind today. We, the younger

generation, would want to live in a conflict-free and

crisis-free world in the third millennium. We would want

to bequeath to the next generation a world devoid of

wars, poverty, hunger, racism and deprivation; a world

where the whole of humankind would live like a single

family; a world where meaningful socio-economic

9

development would be the collective responsibility of all

the world's citizens; a world where peace, love, mutual

respect and collective security would be the order of the

day.

It has since become an established fact that poverty is

the root cause of many conflicts in the world, particularly

in Africa.

It is gratifying to note that following the social summit

a number of poverty eradication strategies have been

elaborated, and it is our fervent hope that the special

session of the General Assembly devoted to the

implementation of the outcome of the World Summit for

Social Development and further initiatives will give fresh

impetus to the campaign for the eradication of poverty. One

effective way of eradicating poverty in Africa would be the

total cancellation of all of the continent's external debts.

The debt burden is the cause of untold suffering to the

masses of Africa's women, children and the elderly.

Regarding the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt

Initiative (HIPC), much as it could be characterized as

laudable, it must be recognized that the eligibility criteria

for accessing HIPC assistance are very restrictive and

penalize those countries that really need assistance. For

example, the Gambia, with a high debt service ratio of 33

per cent of the gross domestic product, although meeting

the other two criteria — first, establishing a track record of

good performance and, secondly, eligibility under the

Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility and International

Development Association-sponsored programmes — has

been excluded.

My delegation strongly appeals for an across-the-board

cancellation of all Africa's debts so as to give us a new

lease on life in the coming millennium.

Talk about poverty eradication would be incomplete

without mention of the United Nations System-wide Special

Initiative on Africa. I have no doubt whatsoever that if the

resources required are made available to fund all the

components of the Initiative within a reasonable time-frame,

we could already claim victory in the battle against poverty.

In this regard, we note with satisfaction, the Economic and

Social Council meeting held in Geneva during the month of

July and the attention given to the segment on the

development of Africa.

All said and done, in this era of globalization and

liberalization, our salvation lies in regional integration and

cooperation if we are to achieve economies of scale and

collective self-reliance. This is why we in the Gambia

attach a lot of importance to Economic Community of

West African States (ECOWAS) as one of the building

blocks of the African Economic Community. For us

Africans, the Lagos Plan of Action and indeed the Final

Act of Lagos constitute the blue print for the economic

development of Africa. It is even more relevant today

than ever before.

At the continental level, we the African leaders

decided at the recently concluded OAU extraordinary

summit in Sirte, Libya, to form a Union of African States

which would put us in a better position to tackle the

continent's economic and political crises that have plagued

us throughout this century. However, I want to emphasize

that the objective of this African continental union is not

to form a military bloc, but an economic and political one

capable of resolving Africa's numerous crises and

conflicts, with the ultimate objective of eradicating

poverty in Africa.

Today, as we speak, the gap between rich and poor

has widened threefold. The 1999 Human Development

Report has made stunning revelations, raised important

issues and made a series of recommendations. The

challenges are daunting, but with the necessary political

will poverty can be eradicated, and, as stated in that

report the challenge is “to ensure that globalization works

for people — not just for profits”. In this endeavour, there

should be greater cooperation between North and South.

I would like at this juncture to salute President Bill

Clinton's bold initiative to visit the African continent, the

second by a sitting American President in peacetime. This

visit is very important as it gives the United States

Administration first-hand knowledge of the numerous

problems and challenges facing our continent. It also

strengthens the historic bonds linking the United States

and Africa. This is a positive development that should be

nurtured, as the United States will continue to play a

pivotal role in Africa's socio-economic development. The

massive financial and economic assistance given to some

African countries as a result of the visit could go a long

way towards improving the living conditions of the

people in those countries, as well as ensuring a bright

future for the African continent as a whole.

Thus, I cannot but express my sincere appreciation

and gratitude, on behalf of the youth of Africa, for this

bold and laudable initiative taken by President Clinton,

and I hope that it will be emulated by future United

States Administrations.

10

It is our fervent hope, therefore, that as we approach

the threshold of the new millennium, we will draw

inspiration from the Charter of the United Nations by

giving concrete expression to the pledge made therein “to

employ international machinery for the promotion of the

economic and social advancement of all peoples”.

We anxiously look forward to the Millennium

Assembly, which, beyond its symbolism, could provide a

unique opportunity to renew our commitment and

rededicate our efforts to the attainment of this goal. It

would be inexcusable if we were not strengthened in our

resolve to eradicate poverty in the next millennium. With

all the global conferences since the beginning of the decade

on almost all issues of common concern, a solid foundation

has thus been laid. All we have to do is build upon it.

It is against this background that we are poised to

embrace the third millennium and all that it has in store for

us. Caught between the spectre of nuclear holocaust and the

overpowering and irrepressible phenomenon of

globalization, our only hope for survival depends on how

far we are committed to putting our collective security

before our narrow, individual national interests. This in turn

is only possible through multilateralism, and the latter has

proved its worth through the United Nations.

Having learned numerous bitter lessons, including the

fact of two world wars in this century, the compelling need

to create the United Nations to save succeeding generations

from the scourge of war is more valid now than ever

before, taking into account the rapid advances in military

technology and the devastating effects of modern weaponry.

Our Organization has withstood the test of time, and as

long as we continue individually and collectively to make

every effort to uphold the lofty ideals enshrined in the

Charter, we can together make this world a better place for

all mankind.

The United Nations is certainly not irreproachable, but

it is definitely irreplaceable and indispensable. It is the

embodiment of our hopes and aspirations. This is why we

are emboldened in our conviction that, despite some acerbic

criticism, we envisage an even greater role for the United

Nations in the twenty-first century. It was therefore very

timely to adopt the Declaration and Programme of Action

on a Culture of Peace shortly before the beginning of this

session.

In this connection, it is important to carry out reforms

when and where necessary to address the Organization's

shortcomings. The organ that needs serious and urgent

reform more than any other is the Security Council. The

importance of this body cannot be over-emphasized, but

its present composition, especially at the level of

permanent membership, is unacceptable, to say the least.

Its composition should reflect the realities of the day and

must be democratic and transparent in its working

methods.

To begin with, it is a fact that Africa, the second

largest continent, is not represented at the permanent

member level. This anomaly should be rectified

immediately; then we can take it from there. Also not

acceptable is the veto power wielded by the five

permanent members, a practice that is diametrically

opposed to the principles of democracy and human rights.

I propose that the veto power be abolished during the

course of the United Nations reform process.

As my country's term on the Security Council draws

to an end, I would like to seize this opportunity on behalf

of the Government and people of the Gambia, and indeed

on my own behalf, to express our sincere gratitude to the

entire membership of the United Nations for the

confidence reposed in us to represent you. We also thank

Members most sincerely for the partnership and

cooperation, the advice and support, without which it

would not have been possible to carry out the mandate

entrusted to us. As a small country, our contribution

might have been modest, but it was sincere, in our

collective endeavour to make this world a better place for

humankind. This noble goal, in my view, is what the

United Nations stands for.