The Gambia, 1994

My delegation welcomes the

election of Ambassador Amara Essy as President of the

forty-ninth session of the General Assembly with a

genuine feeling of great pride and satisfaction; he is not

only our neighbour in the West African subregion, but a

seasoned diplomat. He is certainly no stranger here,

having served his great country, Côte d’Ivoire, as

Permanent Representative at the United Nations for many

years. We in the Gambia hold him in high esteem for his

constructive and positive contributions to problems of

common concern, both at the bilateral and multilateral

levels. I have no doubt that those qualities, for which he

is well known, will contribute immensely to the

successful conclusion of our deliberations. I should

13

therefore like to congratulate him warmly on his

assumption of office and to assure him of the full support

of my delegation in carrying out his important mandate.

Let me also take this opportunity to pay tribute to

Ambassador Insanally for the excellent manner in which he

performed his duties during his tenure of office last year.

In the same vein, I wish to commend the Secretary-

General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his untiring efforts

and effective leadership in ensuring the realization of the

ideals for which our Organization, the United Nations, was

founded.

My delegation joins many previous speakers in

wholeheartedly welcoming South Africa to the Assembly

after a 20- year absence. The advent of a non-racial,

democratic Government in South Africa symbolized a

significant turning point in the constitutional and colonial

history of South Africa, in particular, and of Africa in

general. The resilience and resourcefulness that have

guided and inspired the people of South Africa in the

crucial years of their march to a non-racial and democratic

Government will, I have no doubt, serve as important assets

in South Africa’s effective participation in the work of the

United Nations.

On 22 July this year there was a peaceful removal of

Government in the Gambia, when it was replaced by the

Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council under the

chairmanship of His Excellency Lieutenant Yahya A.J.J.

Jammeh. This change was caused by a series of events and

developments within the country that the previous

Government had neglected and in some cases had refused

to address. The continued abuse and misuse of political

power and of public office, coupled with serious corrupt

practices at various levels of Government departments,

necessitated this action.

The Gambia has since independence in 1965 enjoyed

a relatively long period as a democratic State and as a

politically stable country. We acknowledge this

achievement, but at the same time we also have good

reasons why the Government in power had to be removed.

In the evolution of nation States a stable political

system is essential in any country for peace, security,

stability and development. When that stability comes under

increasing strain, however, and is threatened from within by

certain important officials of Government and politicians

alike, the preservation of that stability and national

integrity becomes more important than anything else.

There is no political system that is perfect. We take

the view that when a democratic political system is under

attack by some unscrupulous individuals holding public

office through corrupt practices and other selfish acts, in

open violation of the moral tenets of honesty,

commitment, discipline and hard work, it becomes

necessary to institute corrective measures to stop and

prevent that system’s decay and instability.

The privilege of being the people’s representatives

does not confer any rights that entitle those

representatives to do anything other than the people’s

business. The restoration of public trust and confidence

in government in the older democracies is an

institutionalized process that has acquired value and

stability. The mechanisms that protect the State and

allow for a peaceful and acceptable mode of restoration

of public trust and confidence have been tested and

proved effective over time.

That action is reinforced by the fact that the strength

of democratic societies lies with the people, who freely

participate in the political process and select or elect their

representatives. The legitimacy of government derives,

therefore, from the expressed will of the people to have

a government that will promote and protect their rights as

well as the collective interest of society.

In the newer democracies, however, where there are

no mechanisms or institutions that can protect and

preserve the essence of the democratic process, there has

been a tendency, in response to a moral imperative, to

take radical measures that are intended to arrest the abuse

of political power and the misuse of executive authority

in the interest of society as a whole.

We wish to emphasize that the events that took place

in the Gambia in July this year must be understood as

politically necessary to allow for corrective measures to

be put in place and to usher in a new and equitable

democratic political system. In this connection, the

present provisional Government’s overriding objective is

to set up those institutions that would provide the

necessary checks and balances and thus enhance the

democratic process in the Gambia and the right of the

people to elect a government of their choice.

14

The essence of a democratic political system is, in

addition to its inclusive character, its ability to promote the

political, economic, civil, social and cultural rights of the

individual and of the community as a whole. Any

unbalanced approach to the promotion of those rights

renders the system less democratic, less responsive and thus

more suspect.

Any democratically elected Government that only

promotes the civil and political rights of its people and

neglects the promotion of their social, cultural and

economic rights, or that deliberately fails to provide equal

opportunities for all its people, forfeits, in our view, its

right to govern. The challenge that faces democratic

Governments - and any Government, for that matter - is

how to promote that cluster of human rights without giving

any undue attention to a few of them. In other words, the

promotion and protection of human rights requires a

balanced approach as opposed to an unbalanced one.

His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally - the President

of the General Assembly at its forty-eighth session - in his

address to those who participated in the Second

International Conference of New or Restored Democracies,

which was held in Managua, Nicaragua, in July, said:

"To survive and flourish, democracy must be

provided with an infrastructure of institutions which

are conducive to the culture of a free society. Each

citizen must be guaranteed, in addition to his or her

fundamental human rights, opportunity for economic

and social development. ... Basic rights such as

education, health and housing must be provided by the

State to guarantee a stable society in which democratic

norms and practices can prevail."

The Gambia subscribes fully to the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International

Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the

African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other

human-rights instruments. We shall continue to respect our

obligations under these international covenants. In this

regard, we shall also continue to give full support to the

Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights of the

Organization of African Unity and the African Centre for

Democracy and Human Rights Studies, which are based in

Banjul.

To those who, in these times of new and emergent

democracies in Africa and elsewhere, may argue that the

Gambia had a genuine democratic system we wish to

restate that democracy as practised in our country had

certain fundamental weaknesses, which failed to allow

change to emerge from within the democratic process. We

affirm our commitment to returning the country to civilian

rule after addressing these inherent weaknesses.

The peaceful manner in which the people of the

Gambia responded to the change of Government

encourages the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council

to move towards a timetable that would return the country

to civilian rule before long.

A programme of transition and rectification will

shortly be announced. This will give details of the

activities to be undertaken within a time-bound

framework. As part of the programme, and in an effort to

institutionalize transparency and accountability in our

society, the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council is

setting up four commissions of inquiry designed to shed

light on the past practices of some public servants and

former politicians suspected of corruption and the

embezzlement of public funds.

The Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council has

made it abundantly clear that much as we are determined

to recover funds stolen from public coffers, there will be

no witch-hunt. In pursuit of these objectives, we are

mindful of the need for objectivity and impartiality. No

military tribunals will be set up. All the suspects will be

tried in civilian courts by civilian judges.

In this connection, the new regime has already

approached a number of friendly countries in our

subregion that have the same legal heritage as the Gambia

and asked them to assist by providing judges with the

requisite expertise in similar exercises. In this way the

objectivity, impartiality and independence of the judiciary

will be further guaranteed.

At the same time, a Constitutional Review

Commission is being established to look into certain

aspects of the Constitution with a view to making it more

functional in terms of advancing the cause of democracy.

As part of this process, an independent electoral

commission will also be put in place for the same purpose

- to strengthen democracy.

The military take-over was not, therefore, directed

against any country; its purpose was to redress certain

internal difficulties. As soon as that task has been

completed the country will be returned to civilian rule.

It is our intention to ensure that the democratic system

15

that will be put in place in the Gambia will champion, in

word and in deed, the balanced promotion and protection of

all human rights and respect for those rights on the part of

all those who hold public office. We look forward to the

understanding and support of the international community

at this critical phase of the transition process.

It goes without saying that while we are engaged in

this national exercise we shall also honour all our inter-

national obligations, in addition to playing an active role in

the comity of nations. I therefore take this opportunity to

renew my country’s unswerving commitment to the ideals

and principles of the United Nations.

We have followed with interest the numerous events

that have taken place around the world since the last

session of the General Assembly.

The situation in Liberia has always been of major

concern to us, and the failure to implement the Cotonou

Accord fully has not dampened our enthusiasm. The

Akosombo Agreement constitutes another attempt, in a long

and tortuous peace process, to galvanize the principal

players in the Liberian conflict in an effort to achieve a

genuine peace leading to free and fair elections. It is the

fervent hope of my delegation that the continued efforts and

sacrifices being made by the Economic Community of West

African States (ECOWAS) and other African friends of

Liberia, and indeed by the United Nations in the shape of

the continued presence of the United Nations Observer

Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL), will encourage the warring

factions to agree to disarm without further delay.

The Gambia has followed with keen interest recent

positive political and military developments in Rwanda

leading to the cessation of hostilities and the establishment

of a Government of national reconciliation, which we hope

will be consolidated further. The assistance of the

international community will continue to be needed in

Rwanda, not only to restore peace and stability and law and

order but also to ensure the smooth, safe and speedy return

of all Rwandese refugees and displaced persons to their

respective homes.

We continue to observe with concern the failure of the

peace process in Somalia. The current inability of the

international community to broker a durable peace and

reconciliation between the parties to the conflict should not

deter us; rather, it should spur us to redouble our efforts

and our resolve to find a satisfactory solution to the

conflict.

We understand and appreciate the international

community’s frustration at the failure of the warring

factions to work towards reconciliation and reconstruction.

But peace is priceless and constitutes one of the principles

underlying the creation of this noble Organization, and

this is certainly not the time for the United Nations to

consider withdrawing the United Nations Operation in

Somalia (UNISOM).

It is with equal concern that my delegation views the

situation in other trouble spots around the globe - notably,

Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is

saddening to note that, so far, all the efforts deployed by

the international community to find a negotiated settle-

ment have been persistently frustrated by the Bosnian

Serbs without the slightest compunction. Furthermore, the

Bosnian Serbs have persisted with their heinous policy of

"ethnic cleansing" and other war crimes, in total disregard

of the basic norms of international behaviour.

At the General Assembly’s last session my

delegation expressed the firm view that the defenceless

Muslim population should be given the opportunity to

defend itself in accordance with Article 51 of the United

Nations Charter, which makes provision for the exercise

of the right of self-defence. I believe that by lifting the

arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina the

international community would be sending strong and

clear signals to the intransigent Bosnian Serbs.

With regard to the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir,

my delegation upholds the view that the Simla Agreement

and the relevant Security Council resolutions provide a

sound basis for a just and lasting solution to the conflict.

With regard to the situation between Kuwait and

Iraq, my delegation would like to reiterate that the key to

a durable solution lies in compliance by Iraq with all the

United Nations resolutions on the issue - in particular,

those dealing with recognition of and respect for the

sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait. However,

recent Iraqi military action does not augur well for a

speedy lifting of United Nations sanctions and the

achievement of stability in the region.

In respect of the Arab-Israeli conflict, we are

encouraged by the events that have been unfolding since

the signing of the Peace Accord between Israel and the

Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The balance

16

sheet has been generally positive, and we encourage both

sides to pursue the peace process.

At this juncture I should like to congratulate Jordan

and Israel on the courageous and constructive step they

took recently to end the state of war between them. Such a

positive development will give added credibility to the

entire Middle East peace process to secure a comprehensive

and durable solution in accordance with Security Council

resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).

Another important and worrying factor, which

threatens to undermine any political gains in our countries,

is the question of poverty and the lack of economic

development. Extensive external debt and debt-servicing

obligations continue to be important constraints on the

advancement of the developing countries. The situation is

most acute in Africa.

The external debt of Africa as a whole has been

growing by about 2.5 per cent yearly and for sub-Saharan

Africa the annual debt growth rate has been estimated to be

as high as 7.7 per cent. This is equivalent to $199 billion,

while debt-servicing arrears total some $45.8 billion, which

is equivalent to over 20 per cent of the total debt stock.

For sub-Saharan Africa, therefore, the ratios of debt to

gross national product and debt to export are almost three

times the registered average for all developing countries,

making it the most impoverished region in the world.

There is more than ever before an urgent need for the inter-

national community to find a lasting solution to this

problem.

Against the background of such difficulties, it is

regrettable to note that, in real terms, aid flows to Africa as

a whole have also been on the decline in spite of the

substantial increase by a few countries in their levels of aid

to Africa. Equally noteworthy is the failure of direct

foreign investments to increase appreciatively enough to

relieve Africa’s financial crisis and stimulate economic

growth.

Let me, en passant, recall that the Tokyo International

Conference on African Development served as a forum to

raise international public awareness and renew commitment

to Africa’s development. The successful implementation of

the Tokyo Declaration will depend largely on the common

political will of African Governments and their

development partners.

From a global perspective, it is predicted that the

conclusion of the Uruguay Round will link economies more

strongly through an increased flow of trade and finance

based on trade liberalization and a strengthening of the

multilateral trading system. While the liberalization of

trade as a result of the Uruguay Round may lead to a

substantial increase in world trade and income, the impact

on developing countries could be less noticeable. Many

African countries may find themselves among the least to

benefit, partly as a result of the removal of certain

preferential trade arrangements.

On a different but more positive note, it is gratifying

to note that the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee

for the elaboration of an international convention to

combat desertification in those countries experiencing

serious drought and/or desertification, particularly in

Africa, has completed its mandate and that a Convention

has been adopted. The three regional implementation

Annexes have also been concluded. The cumulative

effects of drought and desertification on our environment

as well as on the socio-economic development of our

countries have been amply demonstrated. But if this

Convention is to make a difference, it must be provided

with the necessary resources to ensure its effective

implementation.

The correlation between drought and desertification

and rapid population growth is well known. That is why

we welcomed the International Conference on Population

and Development that has just ended in Cairo. It

demonstrated the importance of population policy as an

essential ingredient of social and economic development.

We fully support the Programme of Action adopted by

the Conference and will continue to work closely with

international, regional and national agencies, including

non-governmental organizations, to implement it, taking

into account our national priority strategies on population

policy. Similarly, the Yokohama Strategy and Plan of

Action which issued from the World Conference on

Natural Disaster Reduction constitute a clear reflection of

our collective determination to develop and strengthen our

existing capacity for natural disaster prevention, reduction,

preparedness and mitigation.

We very much welcome the World Summit for

Social Development to be held in Copenhagen in March

1995. While the Conference will address three core

issues - enhancing social integration; alleviating and

reducing poverty; and expanding productive employment -

it will none the less attract a number of social and

developmental issues of relevance to world social

progress and global development. For those of us in the

developing world, the Conference will afford the

17

opportunity to address once more our socio-economic

development needs while drawing attention to existing

social ills in our societies and finding solutions to these

problems.

In the same vein, the Fourth World Conference on

Women to be held in Beijing will give us the opportunity

to evaluate the advancement of women in light of the

objectives of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the

Advancement of Women to the year 2000. It will also

provide fresh guidelines to ensure that the targets set are

achieved. Indeed, the twenty-first century holds many

challenges for mankind, but the most important and

pressing will be the elimination of gender discrimination.

It is now clear that the resolve to employ international

machinery for the promotion of the economic and social

advancement of all peoples is gaining ground, and that, in

the process, the United Nations provides the most

appropriate forum. In order to fulfil this purpose

efficiently, the ongoing consultations for restructuring and

revitalizing the United Nations system, notably that of the

General Assembly, should be vigorously pursued. My

delegation will continue to lend its unwavering support to

these laudable efforts. The creation of the Office of

Internal Oversight Services confirms once more the

importance of the effective management of the

Organization’s limited resources. Urgent attention should

also be given to strengthening cooperation and coordination

between agencies of the United Nations system, the United

Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions.

Finally, I should like to reaffirm my Government’s

commitment to the work of the United Nations and the

preservation of international peace and security. Gambia

will continue to give full support to the international effort

to address the social, economic and environmental problems

facing mankind. The joy we share with other nations as

Members of the United Nations is matched only by our

respect for each Member of this commonwealth of nations.