Finland, 1982

It gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir,

the congratulations of the Government of Finland

on your election to the presidency of the General

Assembly. Finns and Hungarians have a common

ethnic and linguistic back¬ground spanning

thousands of years. This gives a special

character to our relationship which was evident

during the recent visit by the President of

Finland to your country. You personally bring to

your high office an exceptionally long

experiences in, and profound understanding of,

United Nations affairs. These, as well as your

determination and patience, will ensure effective

guidance of the Assembly's work at this

particularly crucial time.

243. The Secretary-General is not only the

chief administrative officer of the Organization;

he is also the symbol and the guardian of its

authority. In Mr. Perez de Cuellar the United

Nations has a Secre¬tary-General who has shown

that he will perform those functions well. His

strength of will—sisu we would call it in

Finnish—combined with political realism are both

necessary for fulfilling the tasks entrusted to

him by the Charter.

244. The new Secretary-General has taken

office at a particularly thankless time. Rarely

has the interna-tional environment been less

amenable to peaceful resolution of disputes by

collective action through the United Nations. The

Secretary-General himself has made a profound

analysis of this situation and the reasons for

it. His report on the work of the Organi¬zation

gives a graphic description of the erosion of the

authority of the Organization. His suggestions

for restoring the authority and ability of the

United Nations to act are of crucial importance

and have the full support of my Government.

245. The viability of the collective security

system, as provided for by the Charter, is of

particular concern to small countries such as

those comprising the Nordic group. The Government

of Finland has therefore followed with growing

concern the gradual weakening of the United

Nations in a world of tension and strife. In a

statement made in mid-August on behalf of the

Government of Finland, I had occasion to expound

on that same theme. The matter was further

discussed at the meeting of the Nordic Foreign

Ministers in Helsinki who agreed to study amongst

themselves and with other Member States which

share this concern ways and means to remedy the

situation. Taking into account those

consultations, we intend to return to this matter

in greater detail.

246. As a small neutral country, Finland has

sought and found security not through reliance on

military alliances but through a foreign policy

designed to keep it outside international

conflicts and controversies. We have a vested

interest in promoting the development of a

peaceful and rational world order based on the

universal collective security system provided by

the Charter. In the words of the

Secretary-General: "Without such a system there

will be no reliable defense or shelter for the

small and weak. And without such a system all of

our efforts on the economic and social side,

which also need their own collective impetus, may

well falter."

247. In his report the Secretary-General warns

us that we are perilously near to a new

international anarchy. In fact, the notion that

it pays to use force to solve international

problems is gaining currency. Regional and local

conflicts have erupted into open warfare.

International tension mounts. Relations between

great Powers have steadily deteriorated.

Confrontation has replaced dialogue and

competition has overwhelmed accommodation. The

arms race continues. Resources badly needed for

the alleviation of poverty and hungers are

squandered on the perfec¬tion of instruments of

death. Confidence in the pos-sibility of peaceful

settlement of disputes is breaking down. The

international system which was set up to maintain

peace and security and to promote interna¬tional

co-operation is in jeopardy.

248. This year has put the United Nations

security system to a harsh test. It has to meet

this challenge if it wishes to survive. The

conflict in th3 MiddleEast has assumed a new

dimension of violence compounded by the Israeli

invasion of Lebanon. The question of the Falkland

Islands (Malvinas) led to a bloody military

conflict. The war between Iran and Iraq

continues, causing devastation and suffering.

249. In addition, the persistent problems of

the situation in southern Africa, South-East

Asia, Afghani-stan, Central America, Western

Sahara and the Horn of Africa stand unresolved.

All these remain ques-tions of legitimate concern

to the international com¬munity, yet the United

Nations has been ignored or pushed aside. Its

potential for crisis management and peaceful

settlement of disputes has been neglected.

250. The United Nations has not been listened

to; there has been scant willingness to use its

services. At worst, the authority of the United

Nations has been flouted. The abuse of the United

Nations for short- term interests has

overshadowed its ultimate im¬portance to all

Member States as the only universal Organization

for finding peaceful and negotiated solu¬tions to

global problems.

251. In his report the Secretary-General has

proposed concrete measures to halt the erosion of

the authority of the United Nations and to

restore its capacity to act. The

Secretary-General proposes, as a first step, that

Governments consciously recommit themselves to

the Charter. He proposes that the Security

Council keep an active watch on dangerous

situations and, if necessary, initiate

discussions with the parties before they reach a

point of crisis. He considers it useful for the

Council to give renewed consideration to

reviewing and streamlining its practices and

pro¬cedures with a view to acting swiftly and

decisively in crises. He appeals to the permanent

members of the Security Council to reassess their

obligations and to fulfill them at the high level

of responsibility indicated in the Charter. He

intends to develop a wider and more systematic

capability for fact-finding in potential

con¬flict areas, in close co-ordination with the

Security Council. He proposes that the authority

of peace¬keeping operations be underpinned by

guarantees, including explicit guarantees for

collective or indi¬vidual supportive action. For

its part, my Government pledges its full support

for all these measures suggested by the

Secretary-General.

252. As a matter of consistent policy, Finland

has taken a balanced and conciliatory position on

the various controversial issues in the world. It

is our firm intention to continue this policy. We

believe that Finland can best contribute to the

search for a just and durable world order through

strict and consistent adherence to a policy of

neutrality which, while it enjoins us to refrain

from taking sides in disputes between the great

Powers, enables us to maintain friendly relations

with all States across the dividing lines of

ideology or military alignments and thus to work

whenever possible for the cause of conciliation

and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Neutral

States have, we believe, a special obligation,

not only to themselves but to the international

community as a whole, to conduct themselves with

objectivity and restraint in order to retain the

confidence of all sides and thus the ability to

perform such peaceful services as may be required

in the interests of international peace and

security.

253. The situation in the Middle East is often

perceived as a regional conflict. This conception

belittles the pivotal political, strategic and

economic importance of the region, which

transcends the regional confines of the conflict.

The situation in the Middle East continues to

pose the most persistent threat to international

peace and security. The dangers inherent in the

absence of peace in the Middle East have been

demonstrated once again by the events in Lebanon.

Israel has invaded and occupied and con¬tinues to

occupy a major part of a sovereign State Member

of the United Nations, in defiance of the

repeated calls by the Security Council and the

interna¬tional community as a whole. The tragedy

of Lebanon has been compounded by the massacre of hundreds

of innocent civilians in the refugee camps of

Sabra and Shatila. On 20 September the Government

of Finland expressed its profound shock at that

tragic event and gave its full support to

Security Council resolution 521 (1982). Having

entered west Beirut with the declared aim of

maintaining law and order in Beirut, Israel

cannot now escape its responsibility for what

took place.

254. In the conditions prevailing the

immediate concern of the international community

has under-standably focused on the crisis in

Lebanon. That crisis, however, should be seen in

a wider context. It is but a consequence of the

unresolved situation in the Middle East as a

whole. In our view the basic principles of a

peaceful settlement remain immutable. The

acquisition of territories by force is

inadmissible. Israel therefore must withdraw from

territories occupied since 1967. It is equally

imperative that the right of Israel and all other

States in the area to exist within secure and

recognized boundaries be guaranteed. Those

principles are embodied in Security Council

resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which we

continue to regard as basic. Furthermore,

provision must be made for the legitimate rights

of the Pal¬estinians, including their right to

national self- determination. This presupposes

the right of the Palestinians and the PLO, as the

most significant representative of their national

aspirations, to par¬ticipate in negotiations on

their own future within a comprehensive solution

in the Middle East.

255. Finland has given its support to all

those pro¬posals and initiatives that aim at a

comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the

Middle East. Thus we supported the joint approach

by the United States and the Soviet Union in

1977, the Camp David process and the initiatives

by the European Community and the King of Saudi

Arabia. In this general context, the initiatives

by President Reagan and President Brezhnev and

the proposals made at the Twelfth Arab Summit

Conference are of great significance. While these

initiatives approach the problem from different

premises, they all have a common denominator: the

achievement of peace in the Middle East through

negotiations. In substance they also have a

number of basically identical or similar

elements. In line with this general approach, the

Government of Finland has recently given its

support to another request bom out of the tragic

conflict in Lebanon and addressed to the

Secretary-General that he exert his influence to

convene an international conference on the

question of the Middle East.

256. In southern Africa the Namibian problem

con¬tinues to pose a basic challenge to the

Organization. My country has ties of friendship

with the Namibian people that span more than a

century. Our commit-ment to early independence

for Namibia has been demonstrated by our

initiatives and contributions in different United

Nations forums. Based on a Finnish initiative,

the International Court of Justice declared, in

its advisory opinion in 1971, that the presence

of South Africa in Namibia was illegal. The

United Nations Fund for Namibia and the

Nationhood Pro¬gramme for Namibia have also been

launched on our initiatives.

257. At present, the urgency of arriving at an

inter¬nationally acceptable solution to the

question of Namibia is more pressing than ever.

We support every effort towards a negotiated

settlement and hope that the people of Namibia

may be permitted without delay to determine their

own future through free and fair elections, under

the supervision and control of the United

Nations, as provided in Security Council

resolution 435 (1978).

258. Finland stands on its own record of

contributing to the goal of a free and

independent Namibia not only in words, but in

deeds. It is natural therefore that we have

pledged our best efforts to the imple-mentation

of the United Nations plan by making Namibia a

major recipient of our bilateral development aid

and by keeping a peace-keeping battalion in a

state of preparedness should the Security Council

and the parties concerned choose to avail themselves

of our services in this respect.

259. International tension fuels the arms

race, while the arms race feeds on tension. This

is the deadly logic of reality. The arms race

seems to be out¬stripping all efforts to contain

and control it. The continually increasing pace

of the arms race ultimately serves the interests

of none. Its new technological dimensions may

even undermine global strategic stability,

however imperfect and fragile. The arms race as a

threat to the security of nations was the

predominant theme when the special session of the

General Assembly on disarmament convened last

June. It generated a very high degree of public

attention and interest. Anxiety about the danger

of nuclear war had given rise to an increasingly

active world public. It would be a mistake to

belittle its significance. For all the intense

work and bargaining, the special session failed

to produce a commonly acceptable substantive

document.

260. Progress or lack of progress, in

disarmament is dictated by political realities.

The past few years have again shown how

disarmament negotiations only too easily fall

victim to political confrontation. Yet at times

of confrontation, disarmament negotiations would

be particularly urgent, both politically and

militarily.

26 L Since the introduction of nuclear weapons

more than a generation ago, nuclear arsenals have

grown in size, sophistication and destructiveness

beyond any conceivable purpose. The development

and refinement of nuclear weapons have proved to

be the most dynamic field of advancing arms

technology. Ulti¬mately, such advances may upset

global strategic stability, an outcome that would

have incalculable consequences. It is equally

alarming that the develop¬ment of military

technology is likely to complicate any future

efforts to curb the arms race. It will be ever

more difficult to agree as to what weapons should

be limited, and how.

262. The two major nuclear Powers, the Soviet

Union and the United States, have the main

responsi-bility for constraining the nuclear arms

race. They have recognized that responsibility by

engaging in the strategic arms limitation talks

in the early 1970s. The agreements reached have

marked limited but not insignificant efforts

towards constraining the arms race and reducing

the danger of nuclear war. The continuation of

the dialogue is, furthermore, in itself a vitally

important arms control measure and has intrinsic

political value. The Government of Finland has

therefore welcomed the resumption of the

strategic arms dialogue between the Soviet Union

and the United States last June. It is obvious

that the negotia¬tions will prove long and

arduous. Nevertheless, the goal should be a

significant quantitative and qualitative

reduction in nuclear arsenal.

263. Nuclear weapons are a particularly acute

con¬cern to the nations of Europe, the continent

of the deadliest concentration of weapons. It is

an urgent necessity for Europe to reach concrete

and compre-hensive results in the Geneva talks on

nuclear weapons. The goal should be to eliminate

the danger of nuclear weapons, deployed or

scheduled to be deployed.

264. The Committee on Disarmament has not for

the past few years produced tangible results in

the form of draft treaties on arms limitation.

This is to be regretted.

The Committee on Disarmament, as the central body

of the United Nations disarmament machinery, must

intensify its work. Its agenda reflects the

agreed priorities among disarmament issues: the

security of non-nuclear-weapon States, the

prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons

and the cessation of all nuclear testing. Finland

is prepared to continue its fullest possible

contribution to this work.

265. In the post-war era, the Nordic region

has been largely untouched by international

tension. Our security environment is one of

stability. The absence of nuclear weapons in the

region is an important feature of this situation.

It is the basis of the idea of estab¬lishing a

Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone. Finland will

continue to pursue this idea. As emphasized by

6th President of Finland, Mr. Mauno Koivisto,

such a measure by the Nordic countries would

consolidate regional security. The question of

such a zone has been discussed between the Nordic

Governments in various forums, most recently by

the Foreign Ministers at their meeting last

August. The Ministers agreed to maintain contact

on the issue.

266. In view of our interest in

nuclear-weapon-free zones, it is natural that

eight years ago Finland took the initiative at

the United Nations to undertake a comprehensive

study on the question of nuclear- weapon-free

zones. Since the study, progress has been

achieved in arrangements for such zones. New

con¬crete ideas envisaging the establishment of

nuclear- weapon-free zones in various regions

suggest the need for updating the comprehensive

study to reflect new realities. It could

facilitate the creation of such zones and thus

advance limitation of nuclear arms. Finland

proposed an updated study at the second special

session devoted to disarmament and will pursue it

during the present session.

267. The proliferation of nuclear weapons is a

threat to all States, nuclear and non-nuclear

alike. It is par¬ticularly serious in regions

where international peace and security are

already in jeopardy. The Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the

best instrument to combat that threat. As long as

some nations remain aloof from the Treaty and

refuse to accept interna¬tional safeguards on all

their nuclear activities, sus¬picion about their

intentions is justified. This also hampers

international co-operation in the peaceful uses

of nuclear energy, the benefits of which all

nations should equally share. In this respect, we

attach great importance to the forthcoming United

Nations Conference on the Promotion of

International Co¬operation in the Peaceful Uses

of Nuclear Energy.

268. While nuclear weapons represent the most

awesome threat, this should not overshadow the

problem of conventional weapons. The conventional

weapon is not only a threat but an instrument of

death and destruction used every day. Efforts

towards conventional disarmament and control of

arms transfers should therefore be intensified,

both globally and regionally. Results from the

Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces,

Armaments and As¬sociated Measures in Central

Europe continue to be urgent.

269. The signatory States of the Conference on

Security and Co-operation in Europe should make

every effort to reach a decision on a conference

on confidence-building and security-building

measures and disarmament in Europe as envisaged

in the follow- up meeting of the Conference in

Madrid. A success¬ful outcome of the Madrid

meeting, which was inau¬gurated two years ago, is

of utmost importance in the present international

situation. The persistent efforts of this meeting

and the results achieved so far are proof of a

widely and seriously felt need to preserve the

process itself in order to revive and enhance its

con¬tribution to detente in Europe. A successful

outcome of the Madrid meeting would not only have

a positive effect on the relations between the

European States, but also have an impact on the

international situation as a whole.

270. The Charter of the United Nations

established respect and promotion of human rights

as one of the main principles of the

Organization. In terms of the Preamble, respect

for human rights is equal in urgency with saving

future generations from the scourge of war. The

United Nations has created an ample body of

international legislation on human rights. Yet

the implementation of these rights and freedoms

is woefully inadequate. Violations of human

rights are the rule rather than an exception. Yet

all Member States have undertaken a solemn

commitment to promote and respect human rights.

Observance of human rights is not an option but

an obligation. The rights of man are not

dependent on political or ideological

considerations.

271. The Finnish views and values in the field

of human rights are well known. They are based on

the Nordic concept of freedom, solidarity and

justice. While we firmly believe in the validity

of these funda-mental convictions, we are equally

aware that the international work in this Held

can best be carried out on the basis of common,

accepted codes of conduct; no purpose is served

by attempts to impose one set of values on

another. ESorts towards finding common ground are

therefore of primary importance. On the whole we

see a great task for all countries in promoting

and implementing human rights, both nationally

and internationally. Success in this task will

help to strengthen the rule of law and build a

durable world order in peace and security. It is

on that basis that Finland approaches its term as

representative of the Nordic countries in the

Commission on Human Rights.

272. The plight of an increasing number of

refugees and displaced persons fleeing wars,

oppression and persecution bears witness to a

serious aspect of human rights violations.

Refugee outflows confront the United Nations and

its Member States with some of their most

pressing humanitarian, legal and political

problems. The response of the international

com¬munity to the tragedy of the massive refugee

exodus cannot be limited to humanitarian concern

but must encompass all aspects of the problem,

including its underlying causes.

273. The Government of Finland notes with

satis¬faction that the United Nations Convention

on the Law of the Sea'^ was adopted last spring

with the support of an overwhelming majority of

States, although full consensus could not be

reached. The general acceptance of the

Convention, which could well be the most

significant legal instrument of this century, is

obviously not in doubt. It is therefore of great

importance that the Convention gain the widest

possible adherence in order to serve its purpose

in accordance with General Assembly resolution

2749 (XXV), the Declaration of Principles

Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and

the Subsoil There¬of, beyond the Limits of

National Jurisdiction. A satisfactory order

governing the world's oceans would greatly reduce

the possibilities of inter-State conflicts and

consolidate the role of the United Nations in the

codification and progressive development of

interna¬tional law in other fields of human

endeavor also.

274. In his report the Secretary-General has

drawn attention to the crisis in multilateralism.

His analysis applies also to international

economic co-operation. The lack of confidence in

the multilateral negotiating mechanism, the

increasing resort to unilateral action in the

field of trade and the decreasing financial

backing of multilateral development institutions

all point to this crisis in multilateralism.

275. The prolonged delay in launching the

global round of negotiations on international

economic co-operation and development is a case

in point; yet, given the global dimensions of

many of the difficulties currently affecting

national economies, a global effort to tackle

those difficulties should call for general

support. The envisaged global round should not,

however, hold up urgent remedial action.

Negotia¬tions in various economic forums must be

vigorously pursued and all multilateral

institutions must be fully utilized.

276. The tendency to resort to unilateral

trade measures as a means of coping with

structural problems in the world economy causes

serious concern. With a Western market economy

heavily dependent on international trade, my

country is affected by these developments. We

sincerely hope that the forth-coming ministerial

meeting of GATT may strengthen the determination

to maintain a free and open multi¬lateral trading

system and to resist protectionist pressures. The

sixth session of UNCTAD, to be held next spring,

can for its part give new stimulus to the

North-South dialogue, which at present lacks

dynamism.

277. The severity of the liquidity problems

faced by many developing countries is a serious

issue not only for those countries but also for

world trade as a whole. As a result of their

debt-servicing problems, developing countries

have had to resort to growth- reducing policies.

The poorest among them have fared particularly

badly. They are entitled to the special concern

of and action by the international community.

278. Multilateral development institutions

contribute to a more equitable geographical

distribution of aid, taking particularly into

account the needs of the poorest countries. Those

institutions must be provided with necessary

resources, and that can be done only by reversing

the decrease in official development assis¬tance

in general and in multilateral aid in particular.

279. Finland will continue its strong support

for multilateral development activities. In our

develop¬ment policies we have traditionally

concentrated on the poorest countries. Finland

has committed itself to allocating at least 30

per cent of its bilateral assis¬tance to the

least developed countries, in compliance with the

Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s

for the Least Developed Countries adopted at the

United Nations Conference on the Least Developed

Countries. We have also consistently emphasized

the value and the unique role of United Nations

programmes aimed at human resources development.

In that spirit, my Government is pro¬posing for

1983 to increase the Finnish contribution to UNDP

again by 14 per cent and to double our support to

UNICEF.

280. On this occasion I wish to reaffirm the

deter¬mination of the Finnish Government to

continue the rapid growth of our international

aid program. This year Finland has reached the

medium-term target aimed at doubling the share of

gross national product for official development

assistance which we set ourselves five years ago.

The budget proposal for 1983 includes a further

increase of aid appropriations by 28 per cent.

This means that we are well on our way to

reaching the United Nations target of 0.7 per

cent before the end of the decade.

281. While the realities of the present

international situation seem to give little cause

for encouragement, this should make us more aware

of our duties as Mem¬bers of the United Nations.

The United Nations is the principal instrument

available to the international community for the

maintenance of international peace and security.

It is the only universal forum where the nations

of the world can unite their efforts for that

purpose. The Charter of the United Nations is not

simply an expression of the aspirations of the

interna¬tional community: it is a legally binding

document through which nations, big and small,

have accepted a code of conduct for relations

between them. These obligations transcend

considerations of political expediency, which

only too often lead to their viola¬tion. During

its existence the United Nations has proved its

viability as an instrument for preventing

conflicts and assisting the peaceful settlement

of disputes, for enhancing the rule of law and

promoting human rights and economic development,

whenever it has been given the opportunity to do

so. Finland therefore remains committed to the

United Nations as the principal instrument for

the maintenance of international peace and

security and for averting the impending anarchy

of which the Secretary-General warns us.