Ethiopia, 1992

On behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and

myself I wish to extend heartfelt congratulations to you. Sir, on your

election as President of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly.

My delegation is confident that, under your wise guidance, the current session

of the General Assembly will achieve outstanding successes. In this

connection I wish to assure Your Excellency of my delegation's full

co-operation in the discharge of your responsibilities.

I also wish to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to your

predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for his able

stewardship of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.

Likewise, I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General, for his vigorous efforts to

fulfil the mandate bestowed upon him by the world community. We are confident

that under his able leadership the stature and credibility of the United

Nations will be further enhanced. We wish him every success in his endeavours.

My delegation is also pleased to extend a cordial welcome to all the new

Members of the United Nations which have joined our family during the last 12

months.

The end of the cold war, which was a great turning-point in history, was

followed by further positive changes in the international political climate.

However, it is a matter of concern to us that there are still conflicts raging

in many parts of the world. The thaw in the relations between East and West

did not necessarily lead to total peace, devoid of human suffering and

hardship.

In this regard, I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the

unfolding tragedy in Somalia, which defies imagination and affronts our senses

and sensibilities. Over the past two years, the situation in the country has

deteriorated so much that the State has ceased to exist. Law and order, peace

and stability and the basic infrastructure necessary for the life of a

functioning society are virtually non-existent. These have all been destroyed

by acts of internecine warfare, the extent of whose damage and the consequent

human suffering combine to make Somalia one of the worst humanitarian crises

in living memory.

It is lamentable that Somalia should be bleeding to death by the actions

of its own sons. Nearly half the total population of the country has been

dislocated by war and famine. Scores of children and old people are dying

every day, while thousands have perished. The Somali people have left their

homes and fled to neighbouring and other countries.

Given the situation in Somalia today, it is pertinent to ask why the

various factions are doing all this to their own country and people. Why this

wanton destruction for the sake of political power over a disintegrating

country? How can one explain what is being done to the people of Somalia,

something which goes beyond any conceivable political cause or justification

when we see women, children and the elderly being killed indiscriminately

merely because they belong to this clan or that sub-clan?

This nightmare must come to an immediate end. The Ethiopian people can

speak from their own history of 30 years of conflict: war and the application

of brute force and senseless destruction cannot by any means provide the

solution to a country's political problems. We believe that the bloodletting

in Somalia during the past two years should serve as a sufficient lesson to

the various factions that the path of conflict can only lead to more

catastrophe. Historical knowledge confirms beyond a reasonable doubt that the

use of force or war never achieved lasting results in the conduct of human

affairs. It is our firm conviction that the protagonists in the current

crisis in Somalia should make the welfare and interests of the country and the

people they claim to represent uppermost in their minds.

It must be stated that Somalia's neighbours, the countries of the Horn

of Africa, did not spare the slightest effort to bring about a peaceful

resolution of the tragic conflict.

It will be recalled that a Horn of Africa summit meeting on humanitarian

issues was convened in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in April 1992. Its main

objective was to examine the serious humanitarian crisis in the subregion and

work with regional organizations and the United Nations in order to save lives

and ultimately bring the warring factions together with a view to seeking a

solution to the fratricidal conflict. At the end of the summit meeting, a

Declaration, Framework of Cooperation and Programme of Action was issued. This

was followed by the Horn of Africa Conference on Humanitarian Issues, held to

formulate modalities for the effective implementation of the summit

Declaration. A resolution on the situation in Somalia was subsequently

adopted which, inter alia, provided for a cease- fire among the warring

factions, the holding of immediate peace talks leading to national

reconciliation and lasting political settlement in the country, and the

unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people in need. Most

significantly, the summit meeting decided to establish a high-level Standing

Committee of the Horn of Africa on Somalia to coordinate ongoing efforts to

bring about a peaceful resolution of the conflict.

In fulfilment of its mandate, the Committee convened an all-party

meeting on Somalia in Bahr-Dar, Ethiopia, in May 1992. At that meeting

agreement was reached on the effective distribution of humanitarian assistance

and on convening a national reconciliation conference. To follow up the

implementation of these two agreements, the Chairman and other members of the

Committee visited Somalia twice in May and August 1992 and held talks with

leaders of various political organizations. The result of the mission has

been generally satisfactory under the circumstances. The Committee is still

actively seized of the crisis in Somalia in all its aspects.

The effort of the countries of the Horn of Africa is a practical

manifestation of the principle that regional conflicts should, as far as

possible, be resolved by the countries of the area concerned. Although the

situation in Somalia has for some time been ignored and left on the sidelines,

it is encouraging to note that the United Nations and donor Governments are

giving it the necessary attention it so rightly deserves. The international

effort to distribute humanitarian assistance to those in need should be

further intensified as a matter of top priority.

The efforts under way by the Governments of the Horn of Africa, the

United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, and others, to bring about

lasting peace in Somalia should henceforth be pursued in a coordinated

manner. We should all speak with one voice to the parties in the conflict.

The message they should get should be one, and only one: that they cannot

continue with their callous disregard for the interests and welfare of the

people of Somalia; that the existence of Somalia as a nation should, first and

foremost, be of paramount importance; that there is no way they can achieve

their aims through war; and that they should be prepared to resolve their

differences by peaceful means.

In this connection, it is sad to note that certain quarters are

undermining the peaceful resolution of the crisis by supplying weapons to the

warring factions instead of relief assistance to the suffering people of

Somalia, or dumping industrial toxic waste on Somali territory instead of

providing medicine to take care of the sick and wounded, and plundering the

livestock and marine resources of Somalia instead of providing critically

needed humanitarian assistance. We call on these quarters to desist from

attempts to polarize the region of the Horn of Africa and instead work with us

in partnership in our efforts to restore lasting peace and stability in

Somalia.

I should like now to turn to another issue of concern to us. We have

been following closely the positive developments in South Africa. However, we

still have serious misgivings about the prospects for the peaceful

transformation of that country, as the system of apartheid remains in place.

We are deeply committed to the decisions and positions of the Organization of

African Unity (OAU) and of the United Nations decisions and positions that

have been emphasized repeatedly over the years as well as to the principled

stand of the democratic forces in South Africa to end the apartheid system

once and for all and set in motion an irreversible process of change to a

multiracial and democratic political order in that country.

The current efforts to create the conditions necessary for the success of

peaceful negotiation should be encouraged. In this connection, the recent

agreement between the African National Congress and the Government to resume

negotiations is a positive development, as is the release of political

prisoners. We look forward to the initiation of talks between all the

democratic forces in South Africa and the Government, with a view to the

establishment of an interim Government to supervise the process of preparing a

constitutional order for a multiracial and democratic South Africa.

Likewise, we are gravely concerned about the tragic situation in the

former Yugoslavia, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This crisis, which

is fast getting out of control, is a serious threat to international peace and

security. The continuing bloodshed should be brought to an end and a

political solution acceptable to all parties should be found as soon as

possible. In this respect, we hope that the conference currently being held

in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations and the European Community

will have concrete results.

We are also following the current peace process in the Middle East.

Despite the international community's repeated efforts to broker peace, the

situation in the Middle East still hangs in the balance. Nevertheless, the

prospects for peace in the area are better today than they have been for a

long time. We are therefore hopeful that the question of Palestine, which is

at the core of the Middle East problem, will eventually be resolved in

accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions so that a just,

durable and comprehensive settlement for the region as a whole may be achieved.

We are gratified by the outcome of the efforts of the Conference on

Disarmament with regard to chemical weapons. The draft treaty prohibiting the

production, use, transfer and stockpiling of chemical weapons represents an

important step in the global effort to eliminate weapons of mass destruction.

We derive special satisfaction from the success of nearly 25 years of effort

in the disarmament process and from Ethiopia's contribution as a member of the

Conference on Disarmament. In view of current trends towards democracy and

respect for human rights, there is a need for the disarmament negotiations to

include conventional weapons. It should be emphasized that the "peace

dividend" from disarmament efforts should be channelled into fighting the

problems of poverty, disease and backwardness in developing countries.

It goes without saying that the opportunities created in the past few

years to secure a more just and stable international order cannot bear fruit

unless there is a parallel effort, deployed with increased vigour, to bring

about positive change in international economic relations. In this regard,

much more is expected from the United Nations. The United Nations Conference

on Environment and Development, held in Rio, Brazil, in the middle of this

year demonstrated the great importance that the international community

attaches to the pressing issues of the environment and development.

Environmental protection and economic development bear on the future of

mankind and affect every country. Therefore, our collective and individual

strategic planning activities should be aimed at solving these two global

problems, which call for effective international cooperation and mutual

consultation. The Rio Declaration and Agenda 21, as well as the two

Conventions, the Convention on climate change and the Convention on biological

diversity, lay a good foundation for enhanced international cooperation in

this area. However, there has yet to be sufficient focus on the problems of

environmental pollution and ecological degradation and desertification.

We should like to share certain fundamental thoughts about the promotion

and strengthening of democracy and democratic institutions in the context of

current international relations. Although democracy may have certain

universal features, it is equally true that it has unique characteristics

peculiar to a particular country's socio-political situation. In effect,

there cannot be a standard prescription for building democracy applicable to

all societies and situations. Realization of this fact should restrain any

attempt to prescribe uniform modalities and processes for the establishment of

democracy and democratic institutions in different countries.

It is incumbent upon those who claim to stand for democracy to help newly

democratizing peoples in their effort to consolidate that process, rather than

confine themselves to levelling criticism from the sidelines. If those forces

that advocate the strengthening of democracy fail to extend a helping hand to

us in our unrelenting struggle to democratize our country, and instead simply

watch from a distance, any weakening or failure of the process of

democratization will be attributable, at least in part, to their lack of

cooperation.

It goes without saying that democracy is unthinkable without peace and

stability, both internal and inter-State. Thus support by the forces of

democracy for internal democratization processes would be a significant step

forward in the resolution of internal conflicts. Inter-State conflicts can be

settled by democratizing inter-State relations and by scrupulously observing

norms of international law for inter-State relations. Although the parties to

an inter-State dispute are primarily responsible for the peaceful resolution

of their problems, the United Nations and the international community can, and

should, play a significant role in encouraging the peaceful settlement of

disputes. Sanctions could be applied as a last resort against a recalcitrant

party violating basic norms of inter-State relations once all other attempts

to resolve disputes had been fully exhausted.

It is evident that democracy cannot be nurtured and sustained to grow

into a robust institution in countries characterized by economic deprivation

and destitution. It is therefore imperative to democratize the international

economic order with the same vigour as we are deploying to democratize the

international political order, if we are to strengthen democracy and

democratic institutions.

To this end, developing countries, as a whole, should be given assistance to

extricate themselves from the quagmire of poverty and underdevelopment.

Failure by the developed countries to do so would mean exacerbating

international tension and conflict in a different form, thereby adversely

affecting all our efforts towards lasting peace and socio-economic

development. In order to forestall such an eventuality, the United Nations

and the international community should go beyond paying lip-service to

democracy and development and provide meaningful economic assistance to

developing countries. Only then will we be able to say that international

peace and development are guaranteed.

At this juncture, allow me to say a few words on developments in Ethiopia

since the establishment of the Transitional Government just over a year ago.

The demise of the repressive military regime in May 1991, the assumption

of power by democratic forces and the endorsement of the Transitional Charter

have heralded a new chapter in the history of our country in which freedom,

equal rights and self-determination of all peoples are the guiding principles

of political, economic and social life.

During this short period, while striving to ensure durable peace and

stability after 30 years of bloody civil war, we have been able to lay the

groundwork for the creation of a new political order in a country where very

little was known about democratic political and institutional machinery.

The Transitional Charter laid the basis for the establishment of a

broad-based administration incorporating a wide spectrum of political views,

regional interests and national aspirations. The Council of Representatives,

which is the highest legislative authority, consists of dozens of political

and social organizations. Moreover, with a view to paving the way for the

implementation of the right to self-determination of all peoples in Ethiopia

as enshrined in our Transitional Charter, we have taken the the first

significant step by holding the first successful democratic, local and

regional elections in the country's history in the presence of international

observers. An administration aimed at the consolidation of peace, stability,

democracy, reconstruction and development in the country is now firmly in

place.

The protection of human rights is at the top of the agenda of the

Transitional Government. For the first time, internationally recognized human

rights and fundamental freedoms are fully guaranteed in Ethiopia. The

Transitional Government is fully committed to upholding and protecting the

rights of individuals and peoples based on the Universal Declaration of Human

Sights. To that end, we have initiated a process by which Ethiopia is to

accede to the various international Covenants on human rights.

The Transitional Government of Ethiopia was established under

circumstances left by the country's former absolute dictatorship. It was a

situation where government accountability and responsibility were unknown,

democratic culture and institutions were non-existent and where the country's

infrastructure was devastated by a long drawn-out war and recurrent drought

and famine.

Although the absence of a pluralistic political culture and institutional

machinery, as well as Ethiopia's only recent emergence from an extended period

of intense civil war, has had a significant impact on democratization, in

general the process of democratization, decentralization and devolution of

power in Ethiopia is right on track. However, this does not mean that the

transition from war to peace and from dictatorship to democracy is a smooth

one. Indeed, we chose to go through a transition process with a view to

making it possible for us to lay down the necessary preconditions for a

full-fledged democratic order. We have made significant progress in all these

areas during the past year of the transitional period. As part of the

continuing process of democratization, the Council of Representatives has

issued a proclamation on the setting up of a Constitution Drafting Commission,

which is about to embark upon its important task as soon as organizational

matters are finalized.

The lesson we have drawn from the first year of the transitional period

is that the establishment of democracy, dependable democratic institutions and

democratic culture in a least developed country such as Ethiopia, with an

economy devastated by war and natural calamities, is an extremely arduous

undertaking. However committed one may be or however strenuously one may

strive to achieve this goal, the process is bound to be very slow and full of

difficulties and complications. This is not a sign of despair but an

acknowledgment of a concrete reality, which is a necessary first step to

success in any undertaking.

Undaunted by the adverse internal situation at the outset, the

Transitional Government took, and is taking bold and decisive steps to lay the

groundwork for the socio-economic transformation and democratization of the

country. Thus, building democratic institutions, carrying out major economic

reforms, instituting human rights and fundamental freedoms previously unknown

in Ethiopia, such as freedom of assembly and association, freedom of

expression without censorship, encouraging the formation of numerous political

organizations which are now exercising democratic rights without any

hindrance: these are only the most salient achievements of the Transitional

Government in the brief period of one year. As a result, we can assert with

full confidence that a new democratic culture and new democratic institutions

are taking shape in our country today.

The unity of Ethiopia is being guaranteed on the basis of the unswerving

recognition and accommodation of diversity. Bold, and in many ways unique,

steps are again being taken to resolve the country's internal problems.

Although problems may persist, our internal experiment aimed at their solution

is already paying dividends.

The Eritrean question has also been resolved by the recognition of the

right to self-determination of the Eritrean people. A referendum will be held

early next year in the presence of international observers, including the

United Nations, to determine definitively the future status of Eritrea.

The decision to resolve the Eritrean question through a referendum has

been subscribed to without reservation by both the Transitional Government of

Ethiopia and the Provisional Government of Eritrea. They have also declared

in no uncertain terms that they will accept the results of the referendum. In

effect, the decision is ours, and ours alone, and belongs in no way to any

external force. We are confident that once the people of Eritrea have freely

decided their own future, no matter what the outcome of the referendum, the

existing and fast-developing economic, trade and social relations between the

two peoples based on mutual trust and benefit will be the trail-blazer for

economic and social integration in the Horn of Africa subregion, which we hope

will materialize in the not-too-distant future.

As regards our economic situation, it has been repeatedly stated that

Ethiopia's economic potential contrasts sharply with its socio-economic

underdevelopment. In addition to drought, war and famine, the mismanagement

of the national economy over the years by the former regime has militated

against steady growth by the national economy. Under these rather difficult

circumstances, the transitional Government of Ethiopia has embarked upon a

comprehensive programme of new economic policy measures and institutional

reform aimed at increasing the role of the private sector in the national

economy, and is rationalizing the public enterprises by improving their

management and generally allowing the promotion of market-economy principles

and mechanisms.

It is imperative for us to exert the maximum effort to overcome the

multifaceted problems facing the country today and revitalize our national

economy. However, it is evident that such an undertaking calls for the

availability of vast resources which cannot be mobilized at the national level

alone. We therefore call on the international community to extend

humanitarian as well as development assistance to supplement our domestic

efforts to cope with the emergency situation. The positive response and good

will demonstrated by various donor countries and international organizations

over the past year in support of our economic recovery and reconstruction

programme are encouraging. We are hopeful that that support will continue.

The changes under way in Ethiopia are having an impact on the country's

external relations. Thus, for the first time in several decades, our

relations with all our neighbours in the Horn of Africa are being strengthened

on a qualitatively new level. Harmonious cooperation in all fields is fast

developing in our subregion. Our relations with other countries are also

developing on the some basis and are showing encouraging results.

In this new experiment of nation-building, Ethiopia has from the outset

enjoyed the good will of many countries. Some have also extended material

assistance. We wish to express our deep gratitude to all who have helped us

in one way or another. Nevertheless, we have, regrettably, to admit the fact

that the assistance we have so far received, in particular material

assistance, falls short of what is needed to make our effort at socio-economic

development a success. We therefore call again upon all our friends to

provide us with meaningful assistance at this crucial phase in our history.

In conclusion, I should also like to reiterate Ethiopia's readiness to

participate in all endeavours aimed at enhancing the role of our Organization

in the maintenance of international peace and security and in assisting the

developing countries in their efforts to achieve a greater degree of economic

development and self-reliance. I am hopeful that at the present session the

Assembly will review and assess the world situation with a new perspective and

take a bold approach in order to meet the imperatives of the time. We must

encourage and promote the positive trends already evident in international

relations, and at the same time guard against certain tendencies which

patently carry within them the seed of new crises.