Eritrea, 1998

I wish to join those who

have spoken before me in congratulating Mr. Didier Opertti

on his election to the presidency of the fifty-third session of

the General Assembly. His vast experience and skill assure

us that he will guide the deliberations of the Assembly to

a successful end. I assure him of the full support of my

delegation as he carries out his important mandate.

Let me also take this opportunity to pay tribute to his

predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko of

Ukraine, for his outstanding leadership during his tenure

last session.

The Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi

Annan, deserves appreciation for his commendable efforts

and for the effective leadership he has provided to ensure

the realization of the ideals of our Organization by making

the United Nations more effective and better able to serve

its Members.

The end of the cold war, even if only briefly, raised

hopes and expectations and sent tidings of a more peaceful,

safer, just and fair world safeguarded from conflict and

tension, hunger and disease. Such hopes and expectations

were to be frustrated rather early as the world was plunged

in numerous conflicts between and with States, ethnic

violence and hatred, terrorism, gross violations of human

rights, racism and xenophobia, as well as mass starvation

and an increase in the number of refugees and displaced

persons.

The international community cannot dismiss or,

much less, ignore this situation, which in some cases has

caused the commission of serious international crimes, not

only because it is generally the innocent and the weak —

women, children and the elderly — who are the first

victims, but also because this situation, which now seems

to be limited to certain regions, may soon engulf wider

areas of the world. In the face of these harsh realities, it

is incumbent on the United Nations and the international

community to search for fresh, innovative approaches

with a view to eliminating the root causes of this

situation, in order to ensure respect for the basic

principles of the Charter, to save the innocent from the

scourge of terrorism and to protect the human and civil

rights of ethnic minorities. If they fail to do so, it will not

only prolong the agony of the victims but will, in fact,

sooner or later, threaten regional as well as international

peace and security.

The founding fathers of our Organization recognized

economic development as one of humanity’s inalienable

rights, and set as one of the goals of the United Nations

the promotion of social progress and better standards of

life in larger freedom. I am certain that all developing

countries would declare in no uncertain terms that this

goal has so far been unattained.

The situation in Africa is cause for serious concern.

In spite of the great efforts exerted by regional and

subregional organizations and agencies, the situation in

many parts of the continent is deteriorating and becoming

more dangerous by the day. The tragic bloodshed and

suffering that Africans have witnessed in the recent past

in various parts of the continent are too horrible to recite.

They must not recur and, where they continue to exist,

they must be stopped.

In the Great Lakes region, conflicts are developing

much wider ramifications, in spite of their seeming

regional containment. They pose a grave threat to peace

and security, as they may soon involve extraregional

Powers. It is hoped that through ongoing regional

initiatives it will be possible to formulate just and

mutually acceptable solutions. In the Democratic Republic

of the Congo, Africans and the rest of the world have

been forced to witness the disheartening spectacle of an

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African country which had barely emerged from the cruel

destruction of a rapacious dictatorship being once again

ravaged by multifaceted fighting. This has also divided the

broad African coalition which had contributed to the

promotion of peace and security in that country. This sad

state of affairs must be quickly reversed on the basis of full

respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the

Democratic Republic of the Congo and a recognition that

the internal political process is the sole prerogative of the

Congolese people, and with awareness of the need for a

regional framework of cooperation to address the security

concerns of the countries of the region.

Somalia and the Sudan continue to be sources of

anguish and sorrow for Africa, because there is still a lack

of progress in the efforts to resolve the crises in both

countries. The frustration of the international community at

the lack of progress in peacemaking in both countries is

understandable. It must be noted, however, that genuine

efforts continue to be made by the countries of the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and

the international community must not despair or give up,

but must contribute to the efforts of these countries if they

are to be successful. In this connection, my delegation

upholds the view that with regard to the Sudan conflict

IGAD’s Declaration of Principles and consequent

resolutions remain the sound basis for a just and lasting

solution to the conflict.

In my statement last year I declared that Eritrea’s

foreign policy rested on two basic tenets. The first was the

deep conviction that where there is goodwill all disputes

can be resolved through peaceful negotiations and methods

without recourse to violence. The second tenet was the

unswerving devotion of Eritrea to justice and equality. I

also declared that these two tenets have influenced our

search for friendship and cooperation with our neighbours,

as well as with other States. This statement is as valid

today as it was last year.

The commitment of the Government of Eritrea to

these two tenets has helped to defuse conflict with the

Republic of Yemen and to arrive at a mutual understanding

to resolve the dispute over the Eritrean archipelago of

Hanish-Zukar in the Red Sea by peaceful means through

arbitration.

Today, too, the Government of Eritrea insists that the

road to peace with Ethiopia is by a strict application and

enforcement of the principles of the Charters of the United

Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), as

well as the OAU decision on colonial borders. Once again,

Eritrea calls upon the international community,

particularly the United Nations and the OAU, to ensure

respect for these principles and the decision.

Eritrea was surprised and disturbed by the eruption

of conflict with Ethiopia because, in spite of

disagreements on the issue of boundaries, dating back to

the days of armed struggle the Eritrean Government had

assumed and hoped that in view of the close relations

between the two countries, it was possible to arrive at an

amicable and enduring solution.

The responsibility for the escalation of the dispute

rests solely with the Government of Ethiopia, which has

for a long period of time consistently violated the

sovereignty and territorial integrity of Eritrea, resulting in

the occupation of large tracts of Eritrean territory,

followed by the forced displacement of Eritrean peasants

and the replacement of Eritrean administrative structures

by Ethiopian institutions. It reached a climax on 6 May

only as a result of the further unprovoked incursions by

members of the Ethiopian armed forces, which attacked

Eritrean troops in the Badme region, in south-western

Eritrea. These incursions were premeditated and

meticulously planned. This is the root cause of the

dispute.

For a long time Eritreans had opted for patient and

quiet diplomacy. They had hoped against hope that the

periodic incursions were only the petty acts of some

miscreant and ill-advised regional officials. It was only at

a very late stage — and particularly after the publication

in 1997 of an official map of the Tigray administrative

zone incorporating additional indisputably Eritrean

territory and after the issuance of the new Ethiopian

currency note depicting the same map — that they

realized the full meaning of the Ethiopian adventure. Yet,

even in the aftermath of the fighting that was triggered by

the unprovoked Ethiopian incursion and attacks on

Eritrean troops, Eritrea never crossed its internationally

recognized border; but Ethiopia still controls other

Eritrean territory in south-western Eritrea.

In spite of all this evidence of its aggressive deeds,

the Ethiopian Government is conducting an absurd

propaganda campaign to portray Eritrea as a

warmongering nation which has committed aggression

against, and occupies, Ethiopian territory. Nothing could

be further from the truth. At no time have Eritrean troops

crossed Eritrea’s internationally recognized borders as

everybody can see. On the contrary, it was Ethiopian

troops that invaded Eritrea after Prime Minister Meles

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Zenawi’s declaration of war on 13 May 1998. They were

repulsed. It is important to note that the Deputy Foreign

Minister of Ethiopia, Dr. Tekeda Alemu, had articulated

Ethiopia’s expansionist designs by publicly declaring in a

speech to members of the Ethiopian community in the

United States that Ethiopia would occupy the Eritrean port

of Assab within a short time. In the light of the above,

Ethiopia’s claims that it is the victim of aggression and will

not negotiate unless Eritrea withdraws from “its territory”

are obviously false and only meant to hoodwink the

international community and to cover up its own acts of

aggression.

Even today, Ethiopia is threatening war unless Eritrea

withdraws unconditionally from territories which are fully

within its internationally recognized borders. Today

virtually the whole of the Ethiopian army has taken

positions along the Eritrean border, and almost all of the

highest leaders of Ethiopia, including the President, the

Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of

Defence, the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, the

President of the Tigray region and a Senior Official of the

TPLF have publicly declared in just the past few days that

Ethiopia has finalized war preparations and will soon teach

Eritreans lessons they will never forget.

It is regrettable, therefore, that all the goodwill and

efforts of the Eritrean Government, consisting of several

constructive proposals, to bring about a peaceful and legal

settlement of the present border dispute with Ethiopia, on

the basis of the OAU resolution on colonial borders, have

been consistently rejected by the Ethiopian Government,

which obdurately pursues a policy which is committed to

the settlement of matters by military means. The Ethiopian

Government has also rejected all overtures by third parties

for a peaceful solution of the dispute and all calls made by

the international community to seek a peaceful solution.

This expansionist and aggressive policy is underscored

by the use or threat of force, as well as a massive and

malicious propaganda campaign against Eritrea. The

propaganda campaign accents ethnic hatred and vituperation

against and slander of the Eritrean people and members of

the Eritrean Government. It also calls upon the Eritrean

people to rise up against their Government.

At the same time, the Ethiopian Government has been

systematically and wilfully violating the most sacred and

cherished provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights, the two International Covenants and several other

international human rights instruments, as well as the

principles enshrined in the United Nations and OAU

Charters, by deporting or expelling more than 20,000

Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin under

extremely unhealthy conditions or dumping them in very

dangerous places, and by deliberately separating family

members, exposing them to inhuman, cruel and degrading

treatment and confiscating their property. These acts have

been well documented by third parties, including members

of United Nations agencies, heads of mission of member

States of the European Union and several non-

governmental organizations.

Yet the Ethiopian Government, in an amazingly

refined application of the Orwellian principle, accuses the

Eritrean Government of precisely the outrages and

atrocities it itself has been committing against Eritreans

and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin. The truth is that the

Eritrean Government has not detained, expelled, deported

or otherwise violated the rights — human or otherwise —

of Ethiopians living in Eritrea. This has been verified by

legitimate third parties like representatives of the

European Union, United Nations agencies and the

International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). As

usual, the Ethiopian Government has called all of them

liars. We have hitherto extended an invitation to all

interested parties to carry out an on-the-spot verification

of the human rights conditions in both Eritrea and

Ethiopia. We now extend this invitation to members of

the Assembly. We also would like them to receive a

similar invitation from the Ethiopian Government.

This dispute is about borders, pure and simple. Any

effort to transmute it into anything else must be viewed

as only a vain and brazen attempt by the Ethiopian

Government to camouflage its aggression and its

expansionist policies. In this connection, it must be made

clear that it was the Ethiopian Government which wilfully

violated Eritrea’s colonial boundaries and forcefully

occupied those areas that it had incorporated into its new

map of Tigray. It was the Ethiopian Government which

subverted all Eritrean efforts to defuse the crisis and to

find a peaceful bilateral solution through their Joint

Border Commission by unleashing unprovoked military

attacks on Eritrea from 6 to 12 May. It was the Ethiopian

Government which declared war on Eritrea by a

resolution of its Parliament on 13 May. It was the

Government of Ethiopia which invaded Eritrea along

several points on their common border. It was the

Government of Ethiopia which launched an air strike on

Asmara, the Eritrean capital, on 5 June 1998. It was the

Ethiopian Government which imposed an air and sea

blockade by threatening indiscriminate air bombing of

Eritrea.

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Yet Ethiopia has falsely portrayed Eritrea as an

aggressor country by claiming that Eritrean forces invaded

Ethiopian territory on 12 May. However, it is not claims

and counter-claims that matter. There is incontrovertible

material evidence which establishes that Ethiopia has

deliberately used force and carried out military incursions

in Eritrea since July 1997 with a view to covertly changing

the reality on the ground. In this connection, I wish to bring

to the Assembly’s attention that the Eritrean Government

has repeatedly called for an independent investigation of the

incidents that triggered the conflict.

This border dispute should not have existed in the first

place, considering that boundaries between the two States

are some of the most clearly defined in Africa and were

made by explicit and detailed provisions of international

treaties. They were then confirmed by the United Nations

when it created the ill-fated Eritrean-Ethiopian federation,

and again clearly defined in the Constitution that the United

Nations gave to Eritrea.

True, the borders may not have been demarcated; but

they are not the only undemarcated borders in Africa, and

the non-demarcation of boundaries has not prevented most

African — and indeed other — States from living in peace

with their neighbours and from solving their problems

peacefully.

Eritrea is committed to a peaceful and legal solution

of this dispute on the basis of the principles of sovereignty

and territorial integrity of States which are enshrined in the

charters of both the United Nations and the OAU as well as

the decisions and declarations of the OAU and the Non-

Aligned Movement. Since before the onset of the crisis,

Eritrea has been attempting to initiate numerous bilateral

discussions with Ethiopia with a view to addressing all

outstanding issues related to their common borders. In this

connection, the following must be mentioned.

First, the Eritrean Cabinet and National Assembly

issued orders, on 14 and 20 May 1998 and again on 18

June 1998, respectively, for the temporary demilitarization

of the areas of dispute.

Secondly, the Eritrean President sent two letters to the

Prime Minister of Ethiopia requesting him to join him in

defusing the dispute and settling the border issue peacefully

and legally on a bilateral basis.

Thirdly, the Eritrean Government presented to the

OAU Committee of Ambassadors a proposal containing the

principles of respect of colonial boundaries and non-

violation of these borders; respect of the charters of the

OAU and the United Nations; commitment not to use

force to impose a solution; commitment to peaceful and

legal means to solve the dispute; readiness to stop all

hostilities; and readiness to enter into direct talks without

preconditions.

Unfortunately, all our efforts failed because of

negative responses from Ethiopia. On the other hand,

Ethiopia has yet to offer a single plan or peace proposal.

It has only threatened war unless Eritrea withdraws from

territories which are within the internationally recognized

borders of Eritrea. In this connection, it must be

mentioned that the Eritrean Government has time and

again requested the Ethiopian Government to publicly

announce to the peoples of Eritrea, Ethiopia and the

international community the territories that it claims and

to designate them on a political map with clear

geographical coordinates.

It is for these reasons that the Government of Eritrea

yet again offers the following as a basis for the solution

of the dispute.

First, the comprehensive solution of the problem

through a technical demarcation on the basis of the

established colonial treaties that clearly define the

boundary between the two countries.

Secondly, a possible resort to arbitration on the basis

of the sanctity of colonial borders in the event that this is

demanded by the other party.

Pending a lasting, legal solution, an immediate

cessation of all hostilities and a ceasefire to be monitored

by an observer force under the auspices of the United

Nations.

It is a matter of satisfaction to the people and

Government of Eritrea that numerous governmental

institutions, international and regional organizations and

non-governmental organizations, including the House of

Representatives of the United States Congress, the

European Union and the Non-Aligned Movement, have,

in welcoming the Eritrean initiative, called upon both

Eritrea and Ethiopia to avoid the use of force at all costs

and to resolve their disputes peacefully.

I wish to declare here and now, in loud and clear

terms, that the Government of Eritrea welcomes, and is

ready to undertake to implement, a decision by the

Assembly which provides without any preconditions for

the cessation of hostilities, a ceasefire agreement and a

25

peaceful resolution of the dispute by any method as the

only acceptable solution.

In Africa, conflicts such as the present Eritrean-

Ethiopian border dispute have taken place several times in

the past. Each one of these conflicts was addressed on the

basis of the hallowed principles and decisions of the OAU,

including in particular respect for colonial borders, the

sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and the non-

use of force or threat of force.

As the OAU prepares itself to enter the twenty-first

century, it is imperative that its member States rededicate

themselves to the sublime principles and resolutions that

have hitherto served our continent. These principles and

decisions, which have successfully fostered peace and

stability, solved conflicts and defused tension in our

continent in the past, will be as valid in the future as they

have been since they were first articulated. Only through

their proper application will it be possible to defuse

tension and eliminate conflict.

Eritrea reiterates its commitment to peace, harmony

and the rule of law in international relations, however

painful this tragedy may be. Eritrea seeks peace for itself

and for all of its neighbours. Eritrea will continue to seek

good relations with all its neighbours.

Eritrea is in a race against the clock of development

and cannot afford to lose the time, energy and resources

which must be used in the war against underdevelopment.

To date, Eritrea has restrained itself against extreme

provocation, and it will continue to do so unless it is

forced to defend itself. If aggression is committed against

their country, however, Eritreans will have no choice but

to defend their hard-won independence and sovereignty as

well as every inch of their territory with whatever is at

their disposal.