Austria, 1969

150. Madam President, it is a privilege to convey to you

our sincere congratulations upon your election

to the highest office of this Assembly. In our forthcoming

deliberations we will be fortunate indeed to be

guided by a President who, through her long association

with the United Nations and international relations, has

acquired great experience and a deep insight into the

problems and procedures of our Organization.

151. It is also a great personal pleasure for me to express

once again the sincere appreciation of my Government to

our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, for the

outstanding devotion and ability with which he has continued

to work for the community of nations and the cause of

world peace.

152. At the same time, it is my sad duty to pay tribute to

the memory of our past president, the late Mr. Arenales,

the Foreign Minister of Guatemala. Like other speakers

who have preceded me on this rostrum, I wish to express

not only our feelings of mourning but also our high esteem

for a man who served the United Nations with such

distinction and courage.

153. The establishment of the United Nations coincided

with an event of far-reaching consequences: the inauguration

of the nuclear age. Ever since, atomic energy, in the

form of nuclear weapons, has presented the greatest danger

to mankind, and, in the shape of nuclear power for peaceful

purposes, has represented mankind’s major hope for development

and prosperity.

154. When we celebrate the Organization’s twenty-fifth

anniversary next year we will have witnessed another

scientific and technical event of the highest magnitude:

man’s entry into outer space. The landing of the American

astronauts on the moon was indeed an achievement of

outstanding significance, not only in the exploration of

outer space but in the entire history of mankind. It has won

universal admiration.

155. This age which those events have inaugurated — the

bridling of nuclear energy and the conquest of outer

space — will have to be one of co-operation. It is to the

credit of our Organization that it has already focused much

of its attention on long-term problems requiring such

co-operation—problems which at this time may perhaps not

be of an immediately explosive character but which

represent potential dangers for the future, unless we

succeed now in agreeing on appropriate rules and regulations

to forestall such a development.

156. If we look at the agenda of the General Assembly, we

detect a considerable number of such items—disarmament,

the peaceful uses of outer space and the ocean floor, the

problems of human environment, the programmes of

economic development, such as the First and Second

Development Decades, with their decisive influence on

future economic and political relations, the elaboration of

international agreements in the field of human rights.

157. The accent of the General Assembly’s work has thus

shifted to a certain degree from the old issues of confrontation

to items requiring at least co-ordination of policy.

From this co-ordination we must now advance to real

co-operation — and this I firmly believe will be the central

point on which the efforts of this Organization will have to

focus during the years to come.

158. In that context the problem of disarmament assumes

particular importance. There have been few questions

which over so many years have been marked by so much

hope and such deep disillusionment, by such devoted effort

and by such limited concrete results. Last year, at long last,

we were able to achieve a significant breakthrough with the

elaboration and endorsement by the General Assembly of

the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

[resolution 2373 (XXII)]. From the beginning we supported

the conclusion of such a Treaty. Austria has signed

and ratified it. Although we recognize that the Treaty is by

no means perfect and does not as yet establish a true

balance of obligations between the nuclear and the non-nuclear

countries, it is our conviction that its conclusion

was in the interest of all nations. It is therefore a matter of

real regret to us that the Treaty has not yet entered into

force. We are disappointed that the two major nuclear

Powers, which were so active in its final elaboration, have

so far not ratified it.

159. To accelerate further progress in the field of disarmament,

the General Assembly last year urged the Governments

of the USSR and the United States to enter, at an

early date, into bilateral discussions on the limitation of

strategic weapons. We regret that these negotiations have so

far not taken place. Perhaps our present session will provide

a suitable opportunity of initiating these long-delayed

conversations and thus, at long last, give impetus to a

de-escalation of the armaments race.

160. There are other issues of the disarmament problem

which are no less urgent than the ones I have already

referred to. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament

at Geneva is continuing its efforts to elaborate a

treaty banning underground nuclear-weapon tests, as well as

its work on the prohibition of chemical and bacteriological

weapons and the demilitarization of the sea-bed. Various

proposals have been submitted to the Conference and to

this Assembly. We consider an early solution of those

problems to be of particular importance.

161. Interrelated with the problem of disarmament is the

problem of security. Far-reaching proposals on this

question have been made to this Assembly by the Foreign

Minister of the USSR [1756th meeting]. We shall study

them with great care and attention.

162. The increasing international co-operation manifest on

a number of long-term questions is unfortunately violently

contradicted by the continued existence of open confrontations

in many regions of the world.

163. The war in Viet-Nam is continuing. In past years we

have expressed from this rostrum our grave preoccupation

with this military confrontation. Time and again we have

urged the cessation of the hostilities and a political

settlement of the conflict through negotiation. In the light

of those considerations we welcomed the fact that both

sides to the conflict agreed to meet in Paris for negotiations

to end the war. We also welcome the decision of the

Government of the United States to discontinue the

bombing of North Viet-Nam and to reduce the number of

its forces in Viet-Nam as encouraging steps. We hope that

all parties will take further measures to de-escalate the war

and that the process of military de-escalation will gradually

lead to a complete cessation of hostilities and to the

restoration of peace.

164. The conflict in Viet-Nam thus shows at least some

elements which entitle us to have some hope. But at this

time we can, unfortunately, see no encouraging development

in the Middle East. On the contrary, it appears that

over the past year the positions of both sides have only

become more inflexible.

165. In my speech to the General Assembly last year

[1692nd meeting] I expressed the concern of the

Australian Government that belligerency had not come to

an end and that tension along precarious cease-fire lines

persisted. We must note today that, as our Secretary-General

remarked only recently in the introduction to his

annual report [A/7601/Add.1], a virtual state of active war

now exists along much of these cease-fire lines. We had

hoped that the Security Council resolution of 22 November

1967 [242 (1967)] would bring about within a reasonable

period a generally acceptable and lasting solution to the

Middle East crisis. Unfortunately, those hopes have not

been realized. All endeavours inside and outside the United

Nations to produce a settlement have so far failed.

166. Austria, which like other Member States provides

military observers for the United Nations Truce Supervision

Organization, will continue to support all United Nations

efforts to facilitate a peaceful solution. We support the

continuation of the mission entrusted to Ambassador

Jarring. We welcome the efforts by the major Powers and

hope that they will find an appropriate basis on which

Ambassador Jarring’s mission can be successfully completed.

At the same time, however, we must be aware of the

realities of the situation. A lasting solution, we are

convinced, can be achieved only if the nations of the area

have the wisdom and determination to agree to a settlement

of their deep-rooted differences by peaceful means, and if

they have the political will to implement it.

167. The two conflicts which I have mentioned are no

doubt the two most dangerous conflicts at this time. They

are, unfortunately, not the only ones. In several areas of the

world, situations of strife and tension persist and new ones

are constantly coming into existence. Some of these

conflicts may at this time appear less explosive. Yet they all

represent potentially hazardous situations which at any

time could develop into larger confrontations. There is

hardly a major region of the world where unrest and

conflict have not flared up.

168. The civil war in Nigeria is continuing into its third

year. We know how much suffering has already been caused

by this unfortunate conflict. We must feel involved in the

humanitarian aspects of the tragedy. We appeal to both

sides to remove all obstacles in the path of international

efforts to bring relief and aid to the starving and wounded,

regardless of the side to which they belong. We hope that

the latest appeal of the Organization of African Unity will

have positive results and that its conciliatory efforts to

bring about an end to the hostilities will be continued.

169. With regard to the problems of southern Africa, we

can only express our distress that since last year’s session of

the General Assembly this complex and difficult issue has

not come any nearer to a solution.

170. The course taken by Southern Rhodesia will lead

almost certainly to a further aggravation of the confrontation

between world opinion, as represented by this Organisation,

and the régime in the Territory, which persists in

depriving the majority of the population of their inalienable

political rights. We support the decisions which the Security

Council has taken on the subject and note that the problem

is still before the Council.

171. In Namibia the South African authorities continue to

refuse to implement the decisions of the United Nations.

We cannot but deplore this. Like any other nation, the

people of Namibia must be given the right freely to

determine their own future.

172. In South Africa the Government, ignoring the relevant

resolutions of the United Nations concerning its policy

of apartheid, has shown no sign of compromise and

continues its discriminatory policies. The Austrian Government

has time and again expressed its rejection of the

concept of apartheid — as indeed its rejection of any political

concept based on racial, religious or ethnic discrimination. I

wish. to reiterate this position now in the strongest possible

terms.

173. Thus there exists a striking discrepancy between the

purposes and goals of the United Nations and the present

international situation. This situation, as our Secretary-General

stressed recently in the introduction to his annual

report [A/7601/Add.1] , has deteriorated further during the

past year. We can regret this fact, but we must recognize it.

In our opinion, it underlines the imperative need for

co-operation between all nations, irrespective of their

political and social systems; it is necessary on all levels,

world-wide, regional and bilateral.

174. To foster such co-operation is indeed in line with the

policy of a neutral country. Austria, ever since it re-entered

the international scene in 1955 as a fully sovereign and

permanently neutral State, has considered — as it will continue

to consider — as one of the main objectives of its

foreign policy the active promotion of peace, stability and

co-operation, particularly in Central Europe, of which it is a

part.

175. We have made continuous efforts to settle all

problems with all our neighbouring countries through

negotiations. In this connexion I should like to report to

the Assembly on the developments in the question of South

Tyrol during the past year. The Assembly will recall that

the question was dealt with in resolutions 1497 (XV) and

1661 (XVI). In those resolutions the General Assembly at

the time urged Austria and Italy to resume negotiations

with a view to finding a solution to all differences relating

to the implementation of the Paris Agreement of

5 September 1946. The Agreement deals, as is well known,

with the status of the German-speaking population of the

Province of Bolzen.

176. Last year I reported to the General Assembly on the

two principal aspects of the problem [1692nd meeting].

The substantive aspect concerns the content of the legislative

and administrative measures to be taken by Italy for

the purpose of granting to the German-speaking population

of the Province that amount of autonomous authority

necessary to safeguard the ethnical, economic and cultural

development of the South Tyrolean ethnic group. The

procedural aspect consists in the necessity of finding a

system which will ensure the effective implementation of

the above-mentioned measures for South Tyrol. In a series

of meetings, at the expert level, it was possible to reach an

understanding on a procedure designed to ensure the

implementation of the measures envisaged, without prejudice

to the respective juridical positions of the two countries.

177. As to the substantive aspect of the problem, I

declared at last year’s session of the General Assembly that

there existed basic agreement on the content of the

envisaged autonomy. Differences of opinion have emerged,

however, with regard to a number of specific provisions of

the measures to be taken for South Tyrol. Thorough efforts

have been required to arrive at the necessary interpretations

and precise definitions of these differences.

178. The Italian side has now formally made known its

position on these unresolved questions. It will be the

subject of careful examination, in view of the decisions to

be taken on the political level. Obviously the solution as

now envisaged can be acceptable to the Austrian Government

only if the elected representatives of the minority, in

their competent political organs, regard the proposed new

autonomy as sufficient and if they accept the substance as

well as the procedure of the settlement.

179. For the further development of the problem a

constructive approach by all the parties concerned will be

of decisive importance. Austria surely will not fail to do its

part in this respect. We trust that the Italian Government

will also make the contribution necessary for the termination

of the dispute between our two countries.

180. Equally, it has been our consistent policy to resolve

through negotiations all problems between Austria and its

Eastern European neighbours and to achieve and maintain

friendly relations with all of them. Let me emphasize,

however, that the peaceful co-operation for which, despite

recent setbacks, we are all striving can be achieved only if

all States respect the principles of the United Nations

Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the

rule of international law, and the sovereignty, integrity and

independence of all nations. Only if all States adhere to

those principles can there be hope for a new era of

international co-operation.

181. In that connexion the idea of holding a conference

on questions of security problems affecting the whole of

Europe could become of great importance. My Government

has therefore given a favourable reply to the recent

initiative taken by the Government of Finland.

182. Europe has suffered throughout history from the

lack of unity between its nations and the unending conflicts

resulting from it. The challenge of our time and of our

future is indeed great. The technical revolution in the age of

nuclear energy and the exploration of outer space, the

economic and social evolution of the vast developing areas

of our world, the maintenance of peace and security in the

age of nuclear weapons are tasks which will require the full

contribution of all nations, and not least the nations of

Europe.

183. I should like to voice the hope that at this hour the

nations of Europe will be aware of their responsibilities and

opportunities, that they will be able to overcome the

barriers of ideology and different political systems and find

the common ground on which a policy of co-operation can

be based. It is our firm conviction that this will not only be

in the interest of the peoples of Europe, but indeed serve

the interests of all nations and further the purposes for

which this world Organization was created. Austria pledged

its full contribution to that effort.