Yugoslavia, 2005

Seven days ago, from this rostrum, I

warned that the situation in Kosovo and Metohija - a

province of Serbia administered by the United Nations

since 10 June 1999 - poses a serious threat to the

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stability of the Balkans. Serbia and Montenegro

supports the conclusion of the International Contact

Group that there will be no return to the situation

before 10 June 1999.

I would like to recall that, before 1999, the

regime in Serbia insisted on the limited autonomy of

Kosovo, while the Albanian political leaders insisted

on its independence. Those two opposing positions led

to an armed conflict, and later to NATO air strikes

against Serbia and Montenegro. That conflict ended

following the adoption of Security Council resolution

1244 (1999), which called for a protectorate in Kosovo

but did not call into question the territorial integrity of

Serbia and Montenegro.

The Contact Group's conclusion that there will be

no return to the situation before June 1999 has to apply

equally to both sides - Serbian and Albanian.

Consequently, there can be neither limited autonomy

nor independence for Kosovo. By proposing a status

that was greater than autonomy but less than

independence for Kosovo, the democratic Government

in Belgrade demonstrated its full commitment to

reaching a compromise solution. Unfortunately, the

Kosovo Albanians, only interested in independence,

have not budged an inch from their 1999 position.

Unfortunately, I have to note that the

international community is partly to blame for the

tragic position the Serbian and other non-Albanian

minorities in Kosovo find themselves in, as well as for

the political extremism of the Albanian majority and

the many crimes that have been committed. The

standards set for Kosovo are not even close to being

fulfilled. Are we therefore going to abandon the

ìStandards before Statusî policy? From 10 June 1999

to the present, approximately 200,000 Serbs and

Montenegrins, as well as Turks, Croats, Roma, Jews

and other non-Albanians, have been expelled from

Kosovo. Close to 80 per cent of the territory is now

inhabited only by Albanians. Several hundred Serbs

have been killed, including many children.

Approximately 40,000 Serbian homes have been

demolished or set on fire, as well as 150 churches and

monasteries that were centuries old. The remaining

Serbs and other non-Albanians live in so-called

enclaves, without guarantees for their personal safety

and their freedom of movement. No one in present-day

Europe is so tragically unprotected.

In spite the foregoing, we hope that the United

Nations military and police forces will remain in

Kosovo. Without their presence, the tragedy of Serbs

and other minorities would be complete. Troops from

the United States, Italy, France and other countries

should be given credit for keeping the Serbian

Christian monasteries designated or nominated as

international world heritage sites from being blown up

or set on fire. We would like to thank the United

Nations and ask the United Nations forces to stay in

Kosovo as long as necessary.

For months now, Albanian extremists have been

openly threatening to launch a pogrom against the

remaining Serbs, Montenegrins and other

non-Albanians - and even against United Nations

forces - unless Kosovo's independence is proclaimed.

Recent killings of young Serbs announced the

beginning of that scenario. Ultimatums and threats to

commit crimes and terrorism cannot be accepted

anywhere in the world, including in Kosovo. I hope

that that will finally and decisively be made clear to

the Albanian majority in the province. Serbia and

Montenegro demands a European level of human rights

protection for national communities in Kosovo,

protection of churches and monasteries and recognition

of the European status of the existing State borders

with the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of

Albania. No more and no less is acceptable, either

under the Charter of the United Nations or under

Security Council resolution 1244 (1999). Our rights do

not threaten any right of the Albanian majority. An

independent State of Kosovo is not a guaranteed right,

but an extreme demand.

We are truly and fully committed to a

compromise, but compromise does not mean that one

side gets everything while the other side gets nothing.

We are for reconciliation and a common European

future, in which Serbs, Montenegrins and Albanians

will be good neighbours and best friends for each

other.

A stable and European Kosovo means a stable

Western Balkans region, and vice versa. The choice is

obvious.