Yemen, 2003

At the

outset, it is my pleasure to congratulate Mr. Julian

Hunte on his election to the presidency of the General

Assembly, which demonstrates the trust that this body

has in him. We know that his skill and capabilities will

ensure the success of our work, and we have every

confidence that he will be participating in strengthening

the role of the United Nations at a time when the

international community is undergoing profound

change. I would also like to welcome the laudable

efforts made by the outgoing President of the General

Assembly. I would like to stress that the delegation of

my country, one of the Vice Presidents at this session,

will provide the President with every kind of support.

I would also like to take this opportunity to express

to Mr. Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United

Nations, our sincere gratitude and appreciation for his

tireless efforts to successfully carry out the huge mission

and responsibilities entrusted to the Organization.

At a time when we are witnessing a myriad of

changes and surprising events, we would also like to

express our sorrow at the horrendous and unjust attack

on the United Nations office in Baghdad, an attack that

we consider to be aimed at the fundamental principles

and values that the United Nations is championing.

We meet here full of hope and in response to the

aspirations and concerns raised by numerous important

issues before us for consideration during the present

session. We must meet the difficult challenges and

perils that confront us. We are at a crossroads in a

highly complex era, in which we cannot rest on our

laurels. We must face the international tragic events

and developments that are damaging to the credibility of

the United Nations and its noble principles and values.

We must do this collectively through multilateral

institutions that will guarantee unified efforts and vision.

We have met here today, and we must frankly and

objectively recall what took place during the last

session of the General Assembly, in 2002. That session

took place one year after the odious terrorist attacks on

the United States. During our debate then, we were

unanimous in condemning and combating world

terrorism with a view to eradicating it.

We tried strenuously to avoid a war in Iraq. We

welcomed the road map and prospects for a peaceful

and comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli

conflict. One year later, here we are asking whether we

can indeed say that we have accomplished what we

sought or taken steps towards peace in the Middle East

as we had wished. Now that the Iraqi regime is no

longer in place, does Iraq in fact enjoy a democratic

and free system and a constitutional order, which we so

ardently desire or have we in reality made Iraq a stage

for violence and a hotbed of terrorism?

When my country opposed the war against Iraq, it

was convinced that the United Nations was in a

position to locate and eliminate weapons of mass

destruction there and that the regime could be made to

comply with the relevant resolutions based on

international law.

My Government believed that this war would not

achieve its aims, not only because it was based on

shaky foundations but also because it was difficult to

predict its negative consequences. We note with regret

that it has led to increased extremism and terrorism.

On the other hand, regarding the Arab-Israeli

conflict, my country has developed a position based on

the principles laid down by the Quartet: working for

the advent of a Palestinian State that would exercise

full sovereignty over its territory, with Jerusalem as its

capital; withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Arab

territories occupied since 5 June 1967, and the return of

the refugees. We were and are still convinced that a

settlement can only be achieved if Israel ceases its

delaying tactics and complies with United Nations

resolutions. We are convinced that Israel would only

accept a solution if it were imposed on it by a binding

resolution. This has not yet come to pass.

The world remains silent in the face of ongoing

Israeli aggression against the Palestinians. The Security

Council is paralysed, unable to adopt a resolution

because the United States did not use its influence,

despite its positive approach, as represented in the road

map, to achieve the desired solution. Therefore we

wonder if we can still say that everything is fine with

the world and that peace and security are within our

21

grasp when the Middle East, East and West Africa, and

East and South-East Asia have been battered by crises

and conflicts?

If we tried to analyse these crises and their

ramifications, we would find three major causes: first,

a lack of democracy and freedoms; secondly, poverty

and ignorance; and thirdly, a global order in which

policies of hegemony dominate and practices of

pressure are exerted against Third World States.

Will we be able at the United Nations to alleviate

these desperate situations? Is it sufficient to proclaim

democracy, devotion to freedom and human rights as a

panacea for all problems? Can these ideals eradicate

poverty and eliminate all that is negative in the realities

of each country and in international relations? In fact,

to alleviate these problems in an effective manner, we

must take into consideration the three causes I have

just mentioned. Therefore, the rich and the powerful

must heed the cries of the weak and the poor.

A real partnership and war against injustice are

guarantees of international peace and security and the

best way to prevent extremism and terrorism. If things

remain as they are now, we will witness a revolution of

the poor, a rebellion of the oppressed, a scenario that is

quite removed from the one on the clash of

civilizations, as advanced by some parties.

My country believes that we need to seriously

and positively cope with these crises and conflicts. The

Middle East must no longer be a hotbed of tension and

crises. The following measures are necessary: first,

there must be an immediate halt to the occupation of

Iraq, and its sovereignty, territorial integrity and

resources must be preserved. The United Nations must

assume responsibility for rebuilding Iraq; a national

Government must be formed with a national

constitution and a democratic regime; the Iraqis must

be able to enjoy full rights and freedoms, and the

League of Arab States must make a contribution to

such efforts within international legality. We fully

support the endeavours undertaken by the Governing

Council in Iraq.

Secondly, the Security Council must shoulder its

full responsibilities by implementing resolutions

relevant to the Arab-Israeli conflict and by

implementing the road map, without any amendments

by the Israelis. Tel Aviv must be prevented from

carrying out the negative and pernicious act of killing

or expelling Yasser Arafat, the elected President of the

Palestinian people and the Palestinian National Authority.

Thirdly, Israel must withdraw from Syrian and Lebanese

occupied territory, for that is an integral part of any

attempt to have a just peace in the Middle East.

We would like to recall that the Arab countries, in

accordance with the Arab initiative for peace, had

accepted Israel as a State in the region and had agreed

to deal with it on the basis of its real interest in peace

and in ending the occupation of the Arab territories.

We would also like to recall that my country

subscribes to the efforts made by the United Nations

regarding measures resulting from the Conference on

Disarmament, which will allow us to adopt an

international treaty putting an end to the arms race.

There is a need to encourage confidence-building

measures on the national and regional level. The

Middle East must be a region free from weapons of

mass destruction. Israeli nuclear installations must be

submitted to international inspection. We must reject

the policies of selectivity and double standards for this

issue and many others.

The policy of embargo and unilateral economic

sanctions that go beyond regional borders and are

imposed on certain countries are flagrant violations of

international law. My country subscribes to the United

Nations appeal to put an end to unilateral measures

imposed on the Sudan and Cuba, now that these

measures have been eliminated regarding Libya. This

will allow us to spread a culture of peace, dialogue and

understanding, even in dealing with questions on which

there has been disagreement. This would be a

reasonable means and a rational approach to settle

conflicts and differences among countries.

My country believes that this is also the approach

and the means that must be adopted and implemented

to settle the conflict in Somalia, in order to preserve

the national interests of that country. The Republic of

Yemen was one of the first countries to participate in

efforts designed to achieve national reconciliation in

Somalia. Therefore, my country urges the United

Nations and the international community to play their

role to ensure peace and security in Somalia.

Yemen would also like to express its support for

the peace negotiations between the Sudanese

Government and the various opposition factions, which

would finally lead to peace, security and stability in the

brotherly country of the Sudan and would safeguard its

people and territorial integrity.

22

The phenomenon of international terrorism is not

unique to a single colour, religion or doctrine. It is an

obstacle to world peace, security and progress. Various

international coordination efforts to contain this

phenomenon have failed because of lack of vision and

faulty approaches. The Republic of Yemen has greatly

suffered from terrorism. It has tried to take all possible

measures to cope with this ill. We hope that there will

be united efforts by the international community to

eradicate this scourge and to finalize a comprehensive

convention against international terrorism.

Yemen renews its appeal for holding an

international conference under the aegis of the United

Nations to define the causes of this phenomenon and to

finalize a strategy that contains solutions to the origins

of this destructive phenomenon. My country also

believes that the efforts of the international community

must be focused on putting an end to any and all

political pressure exerted on certain countries and on

opposing any attempt at threats or use of force and

interference using terrorism as its excuse in the

internal affairs of various countries. The Republic of

Yemen joins many countries in calling for the need to

differentiate between terrorism as a phenomenon and

national struggle against foreign occupation by all

means, as is the case with the legitimate and just

struggle of the Palestinian people.

The developing countries are faced today with

development challenges that can be overcome only

through concerted international efforts and support which

would help effect political and economic reforms. There

is a need for rich countries to grant development and

financial assistance to poor countries in order to ease the

debt burden of the latter and to facilitate the use and

transfer of technology. Heads of State and Government

who met during the Millennium Summit in New York

in 2000 committed themselves to achieving this goal.

The United Nations, together with the

International Monetary Fund and other institutions,

must try to establish an international fund for the

eradication of poverty and to improve the situation of

refugees. There is also a need to relieve economic,

social and security problems, from which countries

such as Yemen suffer due to the many refugees on its

soil, especially those from Africa.