United States, 2011

It is a great honour for me to

be here today. I would like to talk to the General

Assembly about a subject that is at the heart of the

United Nations — the pursuit of peace in an imperfect

world.

War and conflict have been with us since the

beginning of civilization. But in the first part of the

twentieth century, the advance of modern weaponry led

to death on a staggering scale. It was that killing that

11-50692 10

compelled the founders of this body to build an

institution that was focused not just on ending one war,

but on averting others; a union of sovereign States that

would seek to prevent conflict while also addressing its

causes.

No American did more to pursue that objective

than President Franklin Roosevelt. He knew that a

victory in war was not enough. As he said at one of the

very first meetings on the founding of the United

Nations, “We have got to make not merely peace, but a

peace that will last”.

The men and women who built this institution

understood that peace is more than the absence of war.

A lasting peace — for nations and individuals —

depends upon a sense of justice and opportunity; of

dignity and freedom. It depends upon struggle and

sacrifice; on compromise and on a sense of common

humanity.

One delegate to the San Francisco Conference,

which led to the creation of the United Nations, put it

well:

“Many people have talked as if all we had to do

to get peace was to say loudly and frequently that

we loved peace and hated war. Now we have

learned that no matter how much we love peace

and hate war, we cannot avoid having war

brought upon us if there are convulsions in other

parts of the world”.

The fact is, peace is hard, but our people demand

it. Over nearly seven decades, even as the United

Nations helped avert a third world war, we still live in

a world scarred by conflict and plagued by poverty.

Even as we proclaim our love for peace and hatred of

war, there are still convulsions in our world that

endanger us all.

I took office at a time of two wars for the United

States. Moreover, the violent extremists who drew us

into war in the first place — Osama bin Laden and his

Al-Qaida organization — remained at large. Today, we

have set a new direction.

At the end of this year, America’s military

operation in Iraq will be over. We will have a normal

relationship with a sovereign nation that is a member

of the community of nations. That equal partnership

will be strengthened by our support for Iraq — for its

Government and its security forces, for its people and

their aspirations.

As we end the war in Iraq, the United States and

our coalition partners have begun a transition in

Afghanistan. Between now and 2014, an increasingly

capable Afghan Government and security forces will

step forward to take responsibility for the future of

their country. As they do, we are drawing down our

own forces, while building an enduring partnership

with the Afghan people.

So let there be no doubt: the tide of war is

receding. When I took office, roughly 180,000 Americans

were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. By the end of

this year, that number will be cut in half, and it will

continue to decline. This is critical for the sovereignty

of Iraq and Afghanistan, and to the strength of the

United States as we build our nation at home.

Moreover, we are poised to end these wars from a

position of strength. Ten years ago, there was an open

wound and twisted steel; a broken heart in the centre of

this city. Today, as a new tower is rising at Ground

Zero, it symbolizes New York’s renewal, even as

Al-Qaida is under more pressure than ever before. Its

leadership has been degraded. Osama bin Laden, a man

who murdered thousands of people from dozens of

countries, will never endanger the peace of the world

again.

Yes, this has been a difficult decade. But today

we stand at a crossroads of history, with the chance to

move decisively in the direction of peace. To do so we

must return to the wisdom of those who created this

institution.

The founding Charter of United Nations calls

upon us, to unite our strength to maintain international

peace and security. Article 1 of the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights reminds us that, “All

human beings are born free and equal in dignity and in

rights”. Those bedrock beliefs — in the responsibility

of States and the rights of men and women — must be

our guide.

In that effort, we have reason to hope. This year

has been a time of extraordinary transformation. More

nations have stepped forward to maintain international

peace and security. More individuals are claiming their

universal right to live in freedom and dignity.

Think about it. One year ago, when we met here

in New York, the prospect of a successful referendum

in South Sudan was in doubt. But the international

community overcame old divisions to support the

11 11-50692

agreement that had been negotiated to give South

Sudan self-determination. Last summer, as a new flag

went up in Juba, former soldiers laid down their arms,

men and women wept with joy and children finally

knew the promise of looking to a future that they will

shape.

One year ago, the people of Côte d’Ivoire

approached a landmark election. When the incumbent

lost and refused to respect the results, the world

refused to look the other way. United Nations

peacekeepers were harassed, but they did not leave

their posts. The Security Council, led by the United

States, Nigeria and France, came together to support

the will of the people. Côte d’Ivoire is now governed

by the man who was elected to lead.

One year ago, the hopes of the people of Tunisia

were suppressed. But they chose the dignity of

peaceful protest over the rule of an iron fist. A vendor

lit a spark that took his own life, but ignited a

movement. In the face of a crackdown, students spelled

out the word freedom. The balance of fear shifted from

the ruler to those whom he ruled. Now the people of

Tunisia are preparing for elections that will move them

one step closer to the democracy that they deserve.

One year ago, Egypt had known one President for

nearly 30 years. But for 18 days, the eyes of the world

were glued to Tahrir Square, where Egyptians from all

walks of life — men and women, young and old,

Muslim and Christian — demanded their universal

rights. We saw in those protesters the moral force of

non-violence that has lit the world from Delhi to

Warsaw, from Selma to South Africa — and we knew

that change had come to Egypt and to the Arab world.

One year ago, the people of Libya were ruled by

the world’s longest-serving dictator. But faced with

bullets and bombs and a dictator who threatened to

hunt them down like rats, they showed relentless

bravery. We will never forget the words of the Libyan

who stood up in those early days of the revolution and

said, “Our words are free now”. It is a feeling one

cannot explain. Day after day, in the face of bullets and

bombs, the Libyan people refused to give back that

freedom. And when they were threatened by the kind

of mass atrocity that often went unchallenged in the

past century, the United Nations lived up to its Charter.

The Security Council authorized all necessary

measures to prevent a massacre. The Arab League

called for that effort. Arab nations joined a NATO-led

coalition that halted Al-Qadhafi’s forces in their tracks.

In the months that followed, the will of the

coalition proved unbreakable, and the will of the

Libyan people could not be denied. Forty-two years of

tyranny were ended in six months. From Tripoli to

Misurata to Benghazi — today, Libya is free.

Yesterday, the leaders of a new Libya took their

rightful place beside us, and this week the United

States is reopening our embassy in Tripoli.

This is how the international community is

supposed to work — nations standing together for the

sake of peace and security, and individuals claiming

their rights. Now, all of us have a responsibility to

support the new Libya and the new Libyan

Government as they confront the challenge of turning

this moment of promise into a just and lasting peace

for all Libyans.

So this has been a remarkable year. The

Al-Qadhafi regime is over. Gbagbo, Ben Ali and

Mubarak are no longer in power. Osama bin Laden is

gone, and the idea that change could come only

through violence has been buried with him. Something

is happening in our world. The way things have been is

not the way that they will be. The humiliating grip of

corruption and tyranny is being pried open. Dictators

are on notice. Technology is putting power into the

hands of the people. Youth are delivering a powerful

rebuke to dictatorship and rejecting the lie that some

races, some peoples, some religions and some

ethnicities do not desire democracy. The promise

written down on paper — “all human beings are born

free and equal in dignity and rights” — is closer at

hand.

But let us remember: Peace is hard. Peace is hard.

Progress can be reversed. Prosperity comes slowly.

Societies can split apart. The measure of our success

must be whether people can live in sustained freedom,

dignity and security. And the United Nations and its

Member States must do their part to support those

basic aspirations. And we have more work to do.

In Iran, we have seen a Government that refuses

to recognize the rights of its own people. As we meet

here today, men, women and children are being

tortured, detained and murdered by the Syrian regime.

Thousands have been killed, many during the holy time

of Ramadan. Thousands more have poured across

Syria’s borders. The Syrian people have shown dignity

11-50692 12

and courage in their pursuit of justice, protesting

peacefully, standing silently in the streets and dying for

the same values that this institution is supposed to

stand for. And the question for us is clear: Will we

stand with the Syrian people or with their oppressors?

Already, the United States has imposed strong

sanctions on Syria’s leaders. We supported a transfer of

power that would be responsive to the Syrian people.

And many of our allies have joined in this effort. But

for the sake of Syria — and the peace and security of

the world — we must speak with one voice. There is

no excuse for inaction. Now is the time for the Security

Council to sanction the Syrian regime and to stand with

the Syrian people.

Throughout the region, we will have to respond

to the calls for change. In Yemen, men, women and

children gather by the thousands in towns and city

squares every day with the hope that their

determination and spilled blood will prevail over a

corrupt system. America supports those aspirations. We

must work with Yemen’s neighbours and our partners

around the world to seek a path that allows for a

peaceful transition of power from President Saleh, and

a movement to free and fair elections as soon as

possible.

In Bahrain, steps have been taken towards reform

and accountability. We are pleased with that, but more

is required. America is a close friend of Bahrain, and

we will continue to call on the Government and the

main opposition bloc — al-Wifaq — to pursue a

meaningful dialogue that brings peaceful change that is

responsive to the people. We believe the patriotism that

binds Bahrainis together must be more powerful than

the sectarian forces that would tear them apart. It will

be hard, but it is possible.

We believe that each nation must chart its own

course to fulfil the aspirations of its people. America

does not expect to agree with every party or person

who expresses themselves politically, but we will

always stand up for the universal rights that were

embraced by this Assembly. Those rights depend on

elections that are free and fair, governance that is

transparent and accountable, respect for the rights of

women and minorities, and justice that is equal and

fair. That is what our people deserve. Those are the

elements of peace that can last.

Moreover, the United States will continue to

support, with greater trade and investment, those

nations that transition to democracy, so that freedom is

followed by opportunity. We will pursue deeper

engagement with Governments, but also with civil

society — students and entrepreneurs, political parties

and the press. We have banned those who abuse human

rights from travelling to our country and we have

sanctioned those who trample on human rights abroad.

And we will always serve as a voice for those who

have been silenced.

Now, I know, particularly this week, that for

many in this Hall, there is one issue that stands as a test

of these principles and a test of American foreign

policy, and that is the conflict between the Israelis and

the Palestinians.

One year ago, I stood at this podium and I called

for an independent Palestine. I believed then, and I

believe now, that the Palestinian people deserve a State

of their own, but what I also said is that a genuine

peace can be realized only between the Israelis and the

Palestinians themselves. One year later, despite

extensive efforts by America and others, the parties

have not bridged their differences. Faced with this

stalemate, I put forward a new basis for negotiations in

May of this year. That basis is clear. It is well known to

all of us here. Israelis must know that any agreement

provides assurances for their security. Palestinians

deserve to know the territorial basis of their State.

I know that many are frustrated by the lack of

progress; I assure them that I am too. But the question

is not the goal that we seek. The question is: How do

we reach that goal? And I am convinced that there is no

shortcut to the end of a conflict that has endured for

decades. Peace is hard work. Peace will not come

through statements and resolutions at the United

Nations. If it were that easy, it would have been

accomplished by now. Ultimately, it is the Israelis and

the Palestinians who must live side by side. Ultimately,

it is the Israelis and the Palestinians — not us — who

must reach agreement on the issues that divide them:

on borders and on security, on refugees and on

Jerusalem.

Ultimately, peace depends upon compromise

among people who must live together long after our

speeches are over, long after our votes have been

tallied. That is the lesson of Northern Ireland, where

ancient antagonists bridged their differences. That is

the lesson of the Sudan, where a negotiated settlement

led to an independent State. And that is and will be the

13 11-50692

path to a Palestinian State — negotiations between the

parties.

We seek a future where Palestinians live in a

sovereign State of their own, with no limit to what they

can achieve. There is no question that the Palestinians

have seen that vision delayed for too long. It is

precisely because we believe so strongly in the

aspirations of the Palestinian people that America has

invested so much time and so much effort in the

building of a Palestinian State and in the negotiations

that can deliver a Palestinian State.

But understand this as well: America’s

commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. Our

friendship with Israel is deep and enduring. And so we

believe that any lasting peace must acknowledge the

very real security concerns that Israel faces every

single day.

Let us be honest with ourselves: Israel is

surrounded by neighbours that have waged repeated

wars against it. Israel’s citizens have been killed by

rockets fired at their houses and suicide bombs on their

buses. Israel’s children come of age knowing that

throughout the region other children are taught to hate

them. Israel, a small country of less than 8 million

people, looks out at a world where leaders of much

larger nations threaten to wipe it off of the map. The

Jewish people carry the burden of centuries of exile

and persecution and fresh memories of knowing that

6 million people were killed simply because of who

they are. Those are facts. They cannot be denied.

The Jewish people have forged a successful State

in their historic homeland. Israel deserves recognition.

It deserves normal relations with its neighbours. And

friends of the Palestinians do them no favours by

ignoring that truth, just as friends of Israel must

recognize the need to pursue a two-State solution with

a secure Israel next to an independent Palestine.

That is the truth. Each side has legitimate

aspirations, and that is part of what makes peace so

hard. And the deadlock will be broken only when each

side learns to stand in the other’s shoes and each side

can see the world through the other’s eyes. That is

what we should be encouraging. That is what we

should be promoting.

This body — founded as it was out of the ashes

of war and genocide, and dedicated as it is to the

dignity of every single person — must recognize the

reality that is lived by the Palestinians and the Israelis

alike. The measure of our actions must always be

whether they advance the right of Israeli and

Palestinian children to live lives of peace and security

and dignity and opportunity. And we will succeed in

that effort only if we can encourage the parties to sit

down, to listen to each other and to understand each

other’s hopes and each other’s fears. That is the project

to which America is committed. There are no shortcuts.

And that is what the United Nations should be focused

on in the weeks and months to come.

Even as we confront these challenges of conflict

and revolution, we must also recognize — and we must

also remind ourselves — that peace is not just the

absence of war. True peace depends on creating the

opportunity that makes life worth living. And to do

that, we must confront the common enemies of

humanity: nuclear weapons and poverty, ignorance and

disease. Those forces corrode the possibility of lasting

peace and together we are called upon to confront

them.

To lift the spectre of mass destruction, we must

come together to pursue the peace and security of a

world without nuclear weapons. Over the past two

years, we have begun to walk down that path. Since

our Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C.,

nearly 50 nations have taken steps to secure nuclear

materials from terrorists and smugglers. Next March, a

summit in Seoul will advance our efforts to lock down

all of them. The New START Treaty between the

United States and Russia will cut our deployed arsenals

to the lowest level in half a century, and our nations are

pursuing talks on how to achieve even deeper

reductions. America will continue to work for a ban on

the testing of nuclear weapons and the production of

fissile material needed to make them.

And so we have begun to move in the right

direction. And the United States is committed to

meeting our obligations. But even as we meet our

obligations, we have strengthened the treaties and

institutions that help stop the spread of those weapons.

And to do so, we must continue to hold accountable

those nations that flout them.

The Iranian Government cannot demonstrate that

its programme is peaceful. It has not met its obligations

and it rejects offers that would provide it with peaceful

nuclear power. North Korea has yet to take concrete

steps towards abandoning its weapons and continues

11-50692 14

belligerent action against the South. There is a future

of greater opportunity for the people of those nations if

their Governments meet their international obligations.

But if they continue down a path that is outside

international law, they must be met with greater

pressure and isolation. That is what our commitment to

peace and security demands.

To bring prosperity to our people, we must

promote the growth that creates opportunity. In this

effort, let us not forget that we have made enormous

progress over the past several decades. Closed societies

gave way to open markets. Innovation and

entrepreneurship have transformed the way we live and

the things that we do. Emerging economies from Asia

to the Americas have lifted hundreds of millions of

people from poverty. It is an extraordinary

achievement.

And yet, three years ago, we were confronted

with the worst financial crisis in eight decades. And

that crisis proved a fact that has become clearer with

each passing year. Our fates are interconnected. In a

global economy, nations will rise or fall together.

Today, we confront the challenges that have

followed on the heels of that crisis. Around the world

recovery is still fragile. Markets remain volatile. Too

many people are out of work. Too many others are

struggling just to get by. We acted together to avert a

depression in 2009. We must take urgent and

coordinated action once more.

Here in the United States, I have announced a

plan to put Americans back to work and jump-start our

economy, at the same time as I am committed to

substantially reducing our deficits over time.

We stand with our European allies as they

reshape their institutions and address their own fiscal

challenges. For other countries, leaders face a different

challenge as they shift their economy towards more

self-reliance, boosting domestic demand while slowing

inflation. So we will work with emerging economies

that have rebounded strongly so that rising standards of

living create new markets that promote global growth.

That is what our commitment to prosperity demands.

To combat the poverty that punishes our children,

we must act on the belief that freedom from want is a

basic human right. The United States has made it a

focus of our engagement abroad to help people to feed

themselves. And today, as drought and conflict have

brought famine to the Horn of Africa, our conscience

calls on us to act. Together, we must continue to

provide assistance and support organizations that can

reach those in need. And together, we must insist on

unrestricted humanitarian access so that we can save

the lives of thousands of men and women and children.

Our common humanity is at stake. Let us show that the

life of a child in Somalia is as precious as any other.

That is what our commitment to our fellow human

beings demands.

To stop disease that spreads across borders, we

must strengthen our system of public health. We will

continue the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and

malaria. We will focus on the health of mothers and of

children. And we must come together to prevent and

detect and fight every kind of biological danger —

whether it is a pandemic like H1N1 or a terrorist threat

or a treatable disease.

This week, America signed an agreement with the

World Health Organization (WHO) to affirm our

commitment to meeting that challenge. And today, I

urge all nations to join us in meeting the WHO goal of

making sure all nations have core capacities to address

public health emergencies in place by 2012. That is

what our commitment to the health of our people

demands.

To preserve our planet, we must not put off action

that climate change demands. We have to tap the power

of science to save those resources that are scarce. And

together, we must continue our work to build on the

progress made in Copenhagen and Cancún, so that all

the major economies represented here today follow

through on the commitments that were made. Together,

we must work to transform the energy that powers our

economies and support others as they move down that

path. That is what our commitment to the next

generation demands.

To make sure our societies reach their potential,

we must allow our citizens to reach theirs. No country

can afford the corruption that plagues the world like a

cancer. Together, we must harness the power of open

societies and open economies. That is why we have

partnered with countries across the globe to launch a

new partnership on open Government that helps ensure

accountability and helps to empower citizens. No

country should deny people their rights to freedom of

speech and freedom of religion, but also no country

should deny people their rights because of whom they

15 11-50692

love, which is why we must stand up for the rights of

gays and lesbians everywhere.

No country can realize its potential if half its

population cannot reach theirs. This week, the United

States signed a new declaration on women’s

participation. Next year, we should each announce the

steps we are taking to break down the economic and

political barriers that stand in the way of women and

girls. That is what our commitment to human progress

demands.

I know there is no straight line to that progress,

no single path to success. We come from different

cultures, and carry with us different histories. But let

us never forget that even as we gather here as Heads of

different Governments, we represent citizens who share

the same basic aspirations to live with dignity and

freedom, to get an education and pursue opportunity, to

love our families and love and worship our God, to live

in the kind of peace that makes life worth living.

It is the nature of our imperfect world that we are

forced to learn these lessons over and over again.

Conflict and repression will endure so long as some

people refuse to do unto others as we would have them

do unto us. Yet that is precisely why we have built

institutions like this — to bind our fates together, to

help us recognize ourselves in each other — because

those who came before us believed that peace is

preferable to war, and freedom is preferable to

suppression, and prosperity is preferable to poverty.

That is the message that comes not from capitals, but

from citizens, from our people.

When the cornerstone of this very building was

put in place, President Truman came here to New York

and said, “The United Nations is essentially an

expression of the moral nature of man’s aspirations” —

the moral nature of man’s aspirations. As we live in a

world that is changing at a breathtaking pace, that is a

lesson that we must never forget.

Peace is hard, but we know that it is possible. So,

together, let us be resolved to see that it is defined by

our hopes and not by our fears. Together, let us make

peace — but a peace, most importantly, that will last.